Essay on Emotional Intelligence 2.0 Summary and Assessment

The book, Emotional Intelligence 2.0, provides an alternative approach to how a person achieves success. This book does not focus on the conventional determinant of success, such as formal education and training, experience, and intelligence level (IQ). Although all these components contribute greatly to ones achievement of success, these factors are not the only factors to be considered in whether a person will be successful or not. This book focuses on the concept that it refers to as emotional intelligence (EQ), which is one’s ability to recognize and effectively understand his/her emotions in a productive and rational manner. The objective of Emotional Intelligence 2.0 is to educate people on suppressing their natural willingness†¦show more content†¦The author states, â€Å"Emotional intelligence is your ability to recognize and understand emotions in yourself and others, and your ability to use this awareness to manage your behavior and relationships† (p. 17). EQ lays the foundation for many skills, such as, time management, communication, assertiveness, customer service, anger management, stress tolerance, and many other aspects of our life each day. Although our emotions will play an eminent role in our daily life, improved EQ skills will teach us to better control our emotions and keep our emotions from controlling our actions or behaviors. Additionally, we will learn how to better interact with others and build better and stronger relationships. While emotional intelligence is vital to human behavior, it only accounts for a portion of a person as a whole. The author states, â€Å"IQ, personality, and EQ are distinct qualities we all possess. Together, they determine how we think and act. It is impossible to predict one based upon another. People may be intelligent but not emotionally intelligent, and people of all types of personalities can be high in EQ and/or IQ. Of the three, EQ is the only quality that is flexible and able to change† (p. 19). There is no knowShow MoreRelatedMy Strengths And Weaknesses Of A Public Health Profession Essay2090 Words   |  9 Pageshis or her strengths, weaknesses, and emotional intelligence. If they recognize these aspects, then people will be more likely to follow their leadership. This paper identifies my strengths and weaknesses I have as well as my emotional intelligence scores. In order to find out what strengths and weaknesses I have and how I can apply them as a lead er in a public health profession I have taken the StrengthsFinder 2.0 Assessment and the Emotional Intelligence 2.0 test. Section 2. 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The Feminist Critique On Traditional Ethics - 2009 Words

An Analysis of the Feminist Critique on Traditional Ethics You should do unto others as you would have them do to you, except if they’re not white, or a man, or really if you don’t feel like it. The philosophy of ethics has been a long and debated subject which has drawn the attention of great minds such as Aristotle, Kant, Hume, Bentham, and many others. In a comparatively short period of time a new and weighty upheaval to the established ethics has been declared from those in favor women’s rights, called feminists. They mainly state that traditional ethics do not voice all peoples like they claim to do. The feminist critique of traditional ethics is correct due to the lack of diversity in philosophers, inequalities towards women, and the notion that morals of one class account for the entirety or human-kind. Throughout history and even today the western world has been dominated by white men. Philosophers have spent their entire lives devoted to deriving ideas and explanations that incorporate and stand for all of humanity. But it hasn’t been until recently that diverse groups of people have openly rejected those claims. The list of philosophers has strictly included only white men. Plato, Descartes, Hume, and the likes were all mid to upper class males with plenty of time on their hands to ponder the questions of life. All of history has witnessed the subjugation of women to their dominant male counterparts. The men of philosophy were not out of the realm of judgmentShow MoreRelatedWomen s Rights Of Women1495 Words   |  6 Pageswestern culture. Before the feminism movement, women were castrated opportunistically just as colored persons were in the 1ate 18th and early 19th century. Socially, educationally, and politically, women and people of color were accepted as inferior. 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Leaving too soon Essay Example For Students

Leaving too soon Essay College basketball is one of the most popular sports in the United States today. It is looked at as a pure form of the game and the national championship of college basketball is revered by many and a lifetime goal for some. Despite this reverence of the sport at that level, there has been a disturbing abuse of college basketball progressing over the past few years. More and more players today are using college basketball not as a time to perfect their abilities in the sport, but instead to use it as a springboard to the pros. College basketball players have been abandoning their education in return for a sink or swim shot at the pros. This trend is undermining the true mission of a university and causing distress in the lives of many young athletes. To best illustrate how this trend of leaving college early, or forgoing it entirely, has gained popularity over throughout the decade, we will look at some statistics. In the 1998 NBA draft, there were 33 underclassmen available for the draft. Of those 33, there were nineteen juniors, five sophomores, two freshmen, and four high school students. If you think that 33 is high for the number of early entries into the draft, look at the figure for 1997, this was 40! In the 1996 draft, only two of the top fifteen picks graduated from college. Not to mention that only fifteen of the 29 that came out early in 96 were actually selected in the draft. Now, with all the talk about how college is the time where players truly develop their skills and get themselves ready both mentally and physically for the demands of playing on a professional game. Being in the NBA is no walk in the park by far. Many very capable basketball players out there do not have jobs. That is not because of the influx of young, new talent. It is because the NBA is a league of not just talented basketball players, but instead the best basketball players around. Aspiring pros need to know that the millions are not going to be handed to them. If you watch the NBA nowadays, you will hear the commentators talking about one player or the next, and occasionally you hear talk about players being signed to ten day contracts. These are men who make SortsCenters plays of the week, and they hove only ten-day contracts. This is a good indicator of how few spaces there really are in the NBA for new players. The reason that this disturbing trend is continuing is the one or two success stories that come from players entering the draft at a young age. Sure, Kevin Garnett is making millions and earning it too, but pro scouts described him as one in a million. If I were in college or high school, I would not risk my future on one in a million odds. It is great to encourage kids and actually, it is necessary for their healthy development, but when the encouragement gets to their heads, that is when problems start to arise. Obviously, not everyone is a Kevin Garnett or an Allen Iverson, and kids could use to hear that once in a while to keep their he ads on their shoulders and their feet on the ground. Some of the athletes that do opt to leave early have what it takes to make it in the NBA. There are really two options for making it in the NBA: 1-have what it takes and earn your right to a big contract†¦or 2-make yourself look so attractive to the pro scouts that you will be drafted high in the lottery picks. If your path to the NBA is number two, then you will most likely receive a large signing bonus that is guaranteed. This means you can be drafted early, make millions instantaneously, and be a total flop in the NBA. Take Shawn Bradley for example. He was picked over many people that are truly successful by NBA standards. That is an astounding example of the perverse nature of the NBA draft. Bradley has made no impact in the NBA, and could probably retire and live the rest of his life luxuriously, just because a team took a gamble, and a bad one at that, on him in the draft. NBA commissioner David Stern says that it is i nevitable for kids to try their lick at a shot at the pros. He cited many other sports where the superstars are young, often teenagers. However, unlike baseball, which signs many, many more players out of high school and college that basketball, there are multitudes of minor leagues of baseball where players cam develop their game for the next level or realize that their dreams of playing pro are only that; dreams. Stern has asked the players union to implement age restrictions on draft choices, but so far, nothing has come of it. There are steps that can curb this trend, though they would be difficult. Firstly, everyone involved has to start taking some of the blame for this. There are not increasingly more kids entering the draft prematurely because of the smooth talk of some prop scouts. There are more people that the pros to blame here. Colleges need to take some responsibility in their evaluations of their prospective players instead of waving their fingers at the press confere nces of their underclassmen announcing their future plans. Most hotshot players know that they are going pro and say they are going pro at an early age, most before or while they are in college. If colleges are going to be upset about players leaving early, then they should not offer scholarships to kids that say they plan to leave early. Some universities are very good at this, like the Kansas Jayhawks, whose coach, Roy Williams, has had only one player in his tenure at Kansas leave early for the draft. On the other hand, you have another one of Americas best loved teams, University of North Carolina, which was coached by one of the all time greats, Dean Smith, continually have their squad decimated at the end of every year. UNC has had many young stars leave early, most notably Michael Jordan, and it hurts the team and the university. Unfortunately, the underlying principle behind this whole situation is money. Successful programs bring in tons of money and gain tremendous amounts of exposure from having a star athlete on their teams. At the same time, athletes are not using the college game for what it was intended and instead as a time for them to display their skills and improve their stock in the NBA. Either way you look at it, athletes use college and get used by colleges simultaneously. The best piece of advice for future NBA stars and potential failures alike is to build your future and your lives around education, not basketball. The level of competitiveness is almost cutthroat and it is easy to be trampled over and forgotten. A good quote comes from former Maryland star Len Elmore, who said, if a guy has a need to help his family, he needs to pursue his education. This (leaving early) is just a total indulgence of a childhood fantasy. Although it is probably the most common clich ever, it still rings true today and will continue to into the future†¦STAY IN SCHOOL! Bibliography:1. Eisenberg, John. Early exodus to NBA is a pathetic pattern. 6/2/9 6. World Wide Web. http://www.sunspot.net/couumnists/data/eisengerg/0602eisenberg.shtml 2. CNN/SI. 1998 NBA Draft Underclassmen. 6/18/98. World Wide Web. Http://www.cnnsi.com/basketball/nb..ws/1998/06/18/early_entries_draft/ 3. Shah, Simit. Marburys decision exposes dilemma. 4/5/96. World Wide Web. http://www.cyberbuzz.gatech.eud/ni†¦spring1996/apr5/editorials3-s.html 4. ESPN. Early entries to 1998 NBA draft. 1/8/98. World Wide Web. http://espn.go.com/nba/features/00647040.html 5. Scripps/McClatchy. Young players continue pathetic march toward NBA draft. 5/8/96. World Wide Web. http://www.nando.net/newsroom/spor†¦/feat/archive/050896/nba74107.html 6. 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The life featured in Part 1 of the novel Essay Summary Example For Students

The life featured in Part 1 of the novel Essay Summary In the Ibo culture, the women were considered to fulfill every mans needs and to serve the. As the years have gone passed the status of women has risen now being at the same rank as men. Here we can see how culture determines the womans position or place in a society. Religion is an important aspect of culture, in the following paragraphs I will discuss some of the rituals and religious beliefs in the novel. In the first chapter we are introduced to the kola nut. The kola nut is one of the way people welcome one another amongst the Ibo culture. We will write a custom essay on The life featured in Part 1 of the novel Summary specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now The kola nut is passed between the host and the guest, each insisting that the other should be the one to crack the nut, however, the host takes the honour of cracking the nut. They say that whoever offers the kola nut brings life and this is one of the main rituals of the story. They do this in order to please their god and ancestors. In chapter 2 where one of the clansmens wife had been murdered when she went to a market in Mbaina had caused for the men of Umuofia to gather to decide on what they would do to Mbaino as a result of their punishment. A custom amongst the Ibo culture was never to fight a war of blame therefore, they first tried to reach an agreement before they had decided to go to war. Okonkwo went to negotiate with Mbaino because this was the first ritualistic act of the Ibo culture before they declare war. The village that committed the offence had given the Umuofia people a young boy, who was named Ikemefuna and a virgin as their repayment of the crime. Another ritual act is shown in chapter three when the people of Umuofia consult Agbala, the oracle of the hills and caves. When they are confronted with any of their problems or want to ask question concerning their future they depend on the answers Agbala gives. The answer reaches them through the priestess. The words of Agbala were never ignored. In chapter four of the novel Okonkwo is so carried away in his anger at his youngest wife that he forgets the ritual of the Week of Peace and breaks the rules of kindness and gentleness that all the villagers are supposed to show to one another during that week before the planting of the crops begin. Because he broke one of the most sacred events to the Umuofian people he has to make a sacrifice to the earth goddess in which he brings a goat, a hen and cowries. This is another ritual of the religion of the Ibo culture. When Okonkwo broke the rules of the Week of Peace, the whole village was shocked and began to talk about the consequences of breaking this law. Ogbuefi Ezedu, who was the oldest man in the village, was telling two other men who came to visit him that the punishment for breaking the Peace of Ani had become very mild in their clan. It has not always been so, he said. My father told me that he had been told that in the past a man who broke the peace was dragged on the ground through the village until he died. But after a whole this custom was stopped because it spoilt the peace which it was meant to preserve. Another important aspect of the Ibo culture is Egwugwu. The people of Umuofia reach order in their community by important rituals. One of the best examples of the power of rituals within the village is the arrival of egwugwu. .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .postImageUrl , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:hover , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:visited , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:active { border:0!important; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:active , .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7 .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u275b5ced9336daf08c9a62ca303d2bb7:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: time management EssayThese spirits carry the hopes and fears of the village: And then the Egwugwu appeared. The women and children set up a great shout and took to their heels. It was instinctive.. And when, as on that day, nine of the greatest masked spirits in the clan came out together it was a terrifying spectacle.. Each of the nine egwugwu represented a village of the clan. Their leader was called the Evil Forest. Smoke poured out of his head. The nine villages of Umofia had growth out of the nine sons of the first father clan. Evil forest represented the village of Umuera, or the children of Eru, who was the eldest of the nine sons. As we can see the people of Africa have a culture that is quite different to that of the European culture. The culture of the Africans has its own definition of evil, how it sees the status of women in the society, the rituals that are practiced and how it deals with other cultures. All these points are expressed vividly by the writer in which no bias occurs. Word count: 1658 1 http://www. hellgate. k12. mt. us/bldg1/grade5/bixby/Lesson/GB/Chapter5/culture. htm.

Struggle College Short Essay Essays

Struggle College Short Essay Essays Struggle College Short Essay Essay Struggle College Short Essay Essay The sun hit our backs hard as we ran through the picturesque Niles hills. â€Å"Two more miles to go†, yelled my teammate who was a few yards behind me, â€Å"and then man, we can finally get some water. † Well, there was not going to be any water for me; I was fasting for the Muslim Holy Month of Ramadan, running on an empty stomach, and knew that the next drop of water entering my body would only come at sunset. Running those ten miles every day on nothing but the strength of will, epitomizes my true character and hunger for challenge in life. It is hard to imagine life without one having to face any challenges. A lot of the challenges we face as human beings are similar but what makes each person different is the way we face our challenges. Some people shy away from challenges and then there are others who do not push themselves to their limits and reach short of their goals. Then there are others that are able to overcome some of the challenges but eventually back down because they can not take the heat. I, on the other hand consider myself a fighter, someone who does not back down from life’s hardships and strive to fulfill my goals. And then we have a rare bread of people that are fighters. When the going gets tough and people around them start falling, these people stand tall while overcoming adversity. I describe my self as a fighter who doesn’t back down from a challenge but feeds on the pressure. I understand that life is not made up of smooth sailing all the time and you need to always fight through the thick and thin of life. I consider myself a fighter, someone who will work hard and push himself to his limits in order to achieve his goals and ambitions. Through such experiences I have come to believe that if I can put mind over matter there is nothing that I can’t accomplish.

How to Write a College Classification Essay 3 Steps to a Masterpiece

How to Write a College Classification Essay 3 Steps to a Masterpiece How to Write a College Classification Essay: 3 Steps to a Masterpiece Amongst a great variety of college papers, classification essay is probably one of the easiest. It’s pretty brief and doesn’t require an in-depth and too lasting research. Nonetheless, you should never think that you will write as if it’s a simple stroll in the local park. This would be a mistake. A classification essay is a responsible piece of writing. This paper type is related to the organization of certain things, facts, terms, etc. into definite and logical categories. This piece of writing is needed for the convenience while arranging information. Such essay simplifies complex terms and makes them easier to comprehend. You won’t mess up things if you see that they are divided into groups with similar roots. In order to cope with this paper, you should remember three crucial steps. These are: Dividing things into logical categories. Classifying categories with one principle. Supporting every category using examples. Prior to reviewing those three essential guidelines, it’s necessary to highlight one crucial point. A classification essay can be successfully completed if finding categories correctly. Your task is to sort out, classify, and bind the things together in a reasonable way. This can be achieved if knowing how to relate topics to one another. For instance, your task is to classify sporting events. There may be two large groups like summer and winter sports. You can delve deeper and sort out separate competitions that can take place outdoors and indoors etc. Therefore, you should find and stick to a certain defining principle to divide all variables. 1. Determine the Category Once you pick up a topic, you should make a proper research on all possible things that might be associated with it. This information will help you understand what category you are to classify. That is why the compiling of all facts is so significant. Be thorough! Use critical thinking and analyze all details. Of course, you ought to verify the data you are going to implement into your text. You should know the peculiarities. 2. Use a Single Classification Principle Every classification essay writer would confirm the golden rule for this essay type – use a single principle to classify your topic. It would make no sense in using different principles for one category. Under such a condition, you would simply mess the things up. However, the main objective of this essay type is to simplify and clarify your research. Therefore, you should learn all possible principles. Your next move is to choose the most suitable one. The perfect combination would be the principle, which fits in the content and your personal writing style. 3. Provide Equal Examples After you select the single principle and determine your category, support the studied research. Regardless of how many categories you are classifying in your essay, find equal examples for each. The number of examples should be the same. It would be wrong to support a certain category with too many. Their essence should be even as well. Probably, you will devote more energy to the main category. Accordingly, it might take more time. Nonetheless, you ought to follow status quo. Some Additional Points It is worth mentioning the typical transitions. These are either kind, or type, or group. Thus, choosing a group, there should go the first – second – third group, etc. Do not add kind or type. This would be a mistake, and you will lose a lot of grades. You should keep clarity in your research. Undoubtedly, a lot depends on the topic of your essay. If you are given the prerogative to choose on your own, you will reap great rewards. You will have a chance to choose the one that is interesting to you. Thus, the process of classification would run smoothly. As a topic, you may choose: Major events in the American history. Countries classification (population, territory, etc.). Classification of psychological diseases. Sporting events. Popular books, movies or TV shows, etc. It’s up to you what to choose. Of course, you should make sure that the classified topic will be interesting, helpful, and relevant to your audience as well. Thus, you will earn more grades to sustain your academic progress.

Russian Literature. Mikhail Bulgakov The Master and Margarita Essay

Russian Literature. Mikhail Bulgakov The Master and Margarita - Essay Example The essay â€Å"Manuscripts don’t burn† highlights the masterpiece of one of the best writers in Russia. The novel â€Å"The Master and Margarita† by Mikhail Bulgakov is considered to be one of the most enigmatic and peculiar literary masterpieces of not only Russian, but also World Literature. Bulgakov's work contains lots of expressions that subsequently become aphorisms. Mikhail Bulgakov, knowingly, put this sacramental phrase, "Manuscripts do not burn†, into the mouth of the devil. Woland was the first who witnessed the talk between the two writers that met the standards of so-called â€Å"true Soviet writer†. They were ignorant and shallow-minded people, trying to judge the things without understanding them. Lots of Soviet writers, whose literary heritage became available only after the adjustment or the USSR collapse, did not dare to keep their masterpieces in written, thus, they tried to memorize every chapter, every line, every word carefully . Any writer should be free in expressing his or her views and opinions. It was impossible to write creatively under the conditions of the totalitarian regime, when every word, every thought was subjected to the meticulous review of the Soviet literary critics. Bulgakov knew the feeling of pain because of your literary works being doomed to nonrecognition and neglect. The Master is the author’s impersonation. Master’s most horrible nightmares are Bulgakov’s nightmares; Master’s talent is Bulgakov’s talent. Decent work will find its decent reader, for â€Å"Manuscripts don’t burn†.

A Christmas Memory Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

A Christmas Memory - Essay Example The adventures they went through were actually unlikely due to the wide gap in their ages. It could actually be said that it was commendable on the part of Sook, who, as a senior citizen, was still feeling so much young at heart. Her passion in making and flying kites could very well be extraordinary for an old female individual. For Buddy, as the narrator, the experiences were his memories of Sook, more than her cousin, friend, a guardian, who supported his every needs, provided the impetus for his remarkable memory and adoration for this woman. Due to the need to pursue his education, he was eventually separated from Sook, but his thoughts never left her. Each and every Christmas of his life is thereby dedicated in memory of his last Christmas spent with Sook, despite the simplicity and lack of grandeur in celebrating the festivities; it still was his perfect Christmas memory. The rationale is the pure love and affection that was shared between them. There was a sense of reliance and dependability to each other. Whatever was lacking in one, was provided by the other. Buddy knew from this heart that the last Christmas spent with Sook would always be cherished and would never be forgotten for the simple reason that the love and happiness shared between them could never be surpassed nor replaced by anyone els e, ever. When we were made to experience being blindfolded and let by someone to go places in school, the experience was actually terrifying. There was a mixture of fear, anxiety, confusion, and a little bit of relief that someone I know was actually leading me. There was fear because of being subjected to the unknown. By being blindfolded, one was not allowed to use the sense of sight which is a very important element in creating a sense of security. Anxiety was felt due to the feeling that I would like to know until when will I be blindfolded and led and be fully depended on the assistance of a friend. I was also confused

North Korea Essay Essay Example for Free

North Korea Essay Essay Imagine how life would be like if you lived in North Korea. A country so isolated and cut off from the rest of the world. Even after many decades from the war, North Korea and America have never truly been friends. North Korea holds America responsible for dividing their country into North and South. However there are many similarities and differences between America and North Korea. America is very different from North Korea. While we have a Constitution with a Bill of Rights, amendments and basic freedoms, they must follow whatever their leader says with no exceptions. Even though North Korea has a constitution and amendments, the leader still controls all of the country. American citizens are able to vote for their countries leader unlike North Korea, in which where the son of the leader takes his father’s place with ruling the country. So, only one man rules North Korea and all decisions are made by him. Distinct from North Korea, where people don’t have the due process of law, Americans have the right to try to prove that they are not guilty. North Koreans are brought up to love their leader and aren’t allowed to believe in anything else. For them, their leader is the greatest and he is always right. On the other hand, Americans are allowed to believe in whatever religion they choose is right for them. American citizens are all granted equal protection unlike North Korea where only high-ranking officials are provided with those same basic protections. Also, there is no Internet, and cell phones are banned from the country, which block the people from communicating with the rest of the world. Most Americans are provided with basic needs, but in North Korea, a lot of people (child or adult) go blind because they don’t have those basic needs. Lastly, because hospitals and medical care in North Korea is so bad, many people don’t get the treatment that they desperately need. Thankfully, in the U.S., we have good Medicare and trained doctors who are able to cure people every day. American rights also have many similarities to those of North Korean citizen. Both countries have very strong militaries. We similarly strive to become independent countries. The people in America and North Korea have responsibilities, duties, and limited rights. For example like paying taxes and respecting the leader/president. Even though the strictness of these  three elements may change in each country, people in both countries still have to do these things. Although America is a democratic country and North Korea is a theocracy, they both have a strong government system. North Korea is ruled by Kim Jon Sun, our government has three branches and a president. Citizens of America are required to have a passport to travel to other countries, which is a lot like how North Korean’s are needed to have documentation in order to go to different places in their country. There are certainly more differences than similarities between America and North Korea. Living in North Korea would most definitely not be easy. So many things are available to us in the U.S. that wouldn’t be available to us in North Korea. American citizens have fair rights and can believe in whatever they want. We are able to travel to other countries and live according to our rules. Over looking all of the pros and cons of both countries, America would undeniably be an easier and more unrestricted country to live in.

The Language and Uses of Religion in George Balcombe :: George Balcombe Religious Papers

The Language and Uses of Religion in George Balcombe In his 1836 novel, George Balcombe, Nathaniel Beverley Tucker presents the Southern Elite male discourse on religion. Throughout the novel, the speeches of Balcombe and William reveal that they use language that refers to God, but more often they embrace Enlightenment ideals such as reason and self-reliance. Several passages speak directly to the elite idea of God’s love, God’s intended ways for men and women to love one another, and God’s ordained roles for women and slaves. Many other portions of the text reveal differences between the ways in which elite men, non-elite men, and women talk about God and value religious faith. Evangelical piety posed many challenges to the patriarchal order of early 19th century southern society, so it is no surprise that elite men prioritized attributes other than Christian faith and that religion took on different meanings for people with different levels of status in the social hierarchy. Lindman and Wyatt-Brown describe the assimilation of evangelicalism into the existing social order and the changing definitions of honor between the time of the revolution and the 1830s. Lyerly’s descriptions of the religious experience of Methodist women and slaves provides a context for understanding how the role of religion differed between elite men and other groups. These historians’ works enrich the reader’s understanding of Tucker’s presentation of the white elite male discourse on the role of religion in the antebellum period. Balcombe and William indicate their sense of God’s presence in their lives throughout their dialogues. In their first conversation, Balcombe excuses William’s faux pas by waxing lyrical that men must make mistakes in order to learn virtue, and concludes that â€Å"it is God’s plan of accomplishing his greatest end, and must be the best plan† (v1, 9). While this reference to God’s power seems sincere, other references appear more careless, such as the phrase â€Å"God forbid† (v1, 9), which these characters use throughout the novel. William’s remark that â€Å"My talkative host now gave his tongue a holyday, while his teeth took their turn at work† is an almost whimsical appropriation of religious terminology to describe mundane events. Often in their dialogues, â€Å"God† is interchangeable with â€Å"Providence† - in one place, William speaks of â€Å"God’s providence† (v1,266). They personify P rovidence and attribute to it most circumstances in their life, in phrases such as â€Å"the pleasure that Providence sends me† (v1,17).

Power is a theme widely explored throughout the play Macbeth

Society is influenced strongly by both power and tyranny. We see in the media headlines exposing stories about extremist leaders like Muammar Gaddafi and Saddam Husein, who fuelled by the ambitions of power, lead countries into tyranny. So is it a coincidence that Shakespeare portrayed a play to characterise these men? Macbeth, is a play depicting a Scottish general who at the beginning is introduced as a hero, however driven by power and supernatural occurrences, we witness his downfall and eventual death. It is widely discussed whether Shakespeare is still relevant, in which I believe that throughout the play Macbeth, many issues still affecting us today were concepts Shakespeare had created. Power is a theme widely explored throughout the play Macbeth, â€Å"Great Glamis, worthy Cawdor, greater than both, by the all- hail hereafter.† Spoken by Lady Macbeth she uses positive adjectives to praise and acknowledge Macbeth’s statuses, by using short choppy phrases she encourages Macbeth to obtain the title of ‘king’, making the temptation to murder Duncan even more irresistible. Reinforcing the idea of power is Macbeth, â€Å"I have no spur to prick the sides of my intent, but only Vaulting ambition, that o’erleaps itself and falls on the other,† through the use of personification, Macbeth’s ambitious need for power is represented as something great enough to overthrow Duncan. Macbeth describes his ambition as being ‘vaulting’, however is aware that through murder follows the endless possible punishments, however Macbeth sees the temptation as being too great. Similar to this is the incidents occurring in Libya, where at the age of 27, Muammar Gaddafi overthrew the Libyan king, when he was at his most vulnerable in Turkey seeking medical treatment. In the play Macbeth, power is shown as something that may lead to the downfall or destruction of anyone who seeks it for their own personal success. In comparison to this statement is the story of Saddam Husein, the former president of Iraq, who murdered all of his opposition in order to defend his title and remain the one with the most power. However due to these inhumane acts was charged with crimes against humanity and mass murder, which eventually led to his execution. Enhancing this idea of power is the theme of tyranny. Unlike Duncan who brought order and justice to Scotland, Macbeth led Scotland as a tyrannical leader. He defied order- the Great Chain of Being, a Christian concept which was based around a divinely planned hierarchical order- which was shown through the use of imagery of the storm, chaos, murder and the supernatural. â€Å"The night has been unruly†¦ Some say the Earth was feverous and did shake.† Lennox explains to Macbeth that on that particular night things had seemed very unnatural, this symbolising that bad times were to come. Another literary technique used is foreshadowing, the unnatural occurrences foreshadow Duncan’s gruesome murder as well as the treachery Macbeth will bring to Scotland. In comparison to this is when Malcolm, son of Duncan, overthrows Macbeth. â€Å"Hail king! For so thou art. Behold where stands thus usurpers cursed head. The time is free.† Macduff happily announces Macbeth’s death, receiving vengeance for his brutally murdered family and the return of peace to Scotland, where ‘banquets are free of violent murders, nights are peaceful and honours are received freely.’ This contrast between kingship and tyranny is an important part of the play Macbeth, it also reflects Iraq both before and after Saddam Husein’s corruptive rule. Many supported his execution, former U.S. President George W. Bush conveying his opinion that Saddam Husein deserved the ‘ultimate justice’. Shakespeare has used language and dramatic techniques to convey a series of themes that still affect us today. Power and tyranny are outlined throughout his play Macbeth and in modern society these issues still affect us, in the example of the two extremist leader’s Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi and ex- president of Iraq Saddam Husein. Thus, it gives us reason to believe that Shakespeare is still very much relevant today and that his themes will forever remain both universal and eternal.

Effective Training Essay

The management sector of each organization is important in their respective operation. In each group, a leader must exist to lead, guide and delegate important tasks and responsibilities with each member to achieve the efficiency in the use of their resources and the success of the operation. Similarly, in the business organization, the leaders of the institution are important in their operation as they manifest to guide the business towards the achievement of their economic goals and common interest. In terms of the operation, they are the ones that delegate the intricate tasks and responsibilities to each of the member for their benefits and success. Most importantly, the leaders are the ones that must evaluate and decide regarding important matters and issues in the business organization to ensure the positive result and continuous economic operation. Because the leaders of each business organization are important for the group, the institution must highly recognize the effective selection of the individuals placed in their top executive position. To acquire the most effective line up for the top executive position, the organization must implement certain approaches to achieve this result and ensure the quality of their management leader sector. One of the possible solution in ensuring this status is the development of succession plan for the ranks in top executive positions. Naturally, individuals presently occupying top executive positions are not permanent and so are their role effectiveness. As such, the organization must expect this scenario and develop a positive projection to ensure the present executive effectiveness through planning for the succession and replacement for each executive. As such, the organization can presently plan for their development and maintain the positive results they are benefiting for their present lineup. Some of the possible strategies in this aspect are succession projection, training for qualified individuals, apprenticeship programs and others to ensure that the positive qualities and characters of the present executives lineup will be maintained for the business continuous success and development.

Hopi Indians essays

Hopi Indians essays The Hopi or Hopituh Shi-nu-mu meaning The Peaceful People or the Peaceful Little Ones are well known Indian Nation in Northern Arizona, especially known for their Kachina Dolls. The Navajo name for the Hopi is Anazazi which means ancient enemies. The Hopis are very peaceful tribe whose reservation lies somewhat in the center of the Navajo Nation and although they co-exist because of their geography their relationship is somewhat strained because of their tribal histories. The cliff painting of the Mesa Verde and other areas are said to be guides for their warriors and they claim that the snake-shaped mounds in the eastern United States were built by their ancestors. Hopi Indians are one of the Pueblo Indian tribes. About 3500 Hopi live on the Hopi reservation in northeastern Arizona. One village, Oraibi, is one of the oldest continuously inhabited villages in the United States. It was founded about 800 years ago. The Hopi reservation was established in 1882, but until the beginning of the 20th century the people were practically independent of government authority. Since that time official supervision, assistance, and sometimes-blundering interference in harmless religious and personal customs, has become more and more effective, and the result is the gradual abandonment of the old order. The Hopi Indians speak the language of Shoshonean. The Hopi men wore a straight sleeved or sleeveless shirt of undyed, native cotton, worn like a poncho; knitted cotton leggings reaching half way up the thighs; cotton loin cloth; and moccasins of deerskin. Women wore an undyed cotton robe, which passed under the left arm and was fastened above the right shoulder and an embroidered belt. Hopi families and political structures are divided into many powerful groups called clans. Each clan includes more than one family that traces its origin to a co...

Biography of Hubert Humphrey, the Happy Warrior

Biography of Hubert Humphrey, the Happy Warrior Hubert Humphrey (born Hubert Horatio Humphrey Jr.; May 27, 1911–January 13, 1978) was a Democratic politician from Minnesota and the Vice President under Lyndon B. Johnson. His relentless push for civil rights and social justice made him one of the most prominent and effective leaders in the U.S. Senate in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. However, his shifting position on the Vietnam War as Vice President changed his political fortunes, and his support for the war ultimately played a role in his loss of the 1968 presidential election to Richard Nixon. Fast Facts: Hubert Humphrey Known For: Vice President to President Lyndon B. Johnson, five-term senator, and a Democratic candidate in the 1968 presidential electionBorn: May 27, 1911 in Wallace, South DakotaDied: Jan. 13, 1978 in Waverly, MinnesotaEducation: Capitol College of Pharmacy (pharmacists license); University of Minnesota (B.A., political science); Louisiana State University (M.A., political science)Key Accomplishments: His role in the passage of the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty of 1963 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964Spouse: Muriel Fay Buck HumphreyChildren: Hubert H. III, Douglas, Robert, Nancy Early Years Born in 1911 in Wallace, South Dakota, Humphrey grew up during the Midwests great agricultural depression of the 1920s and 1930s. According to Humphreys Senate biography, the Humphrey family lost its home and business in the Dust Bowl and the Great Depression. Humphrey briefly studied at the University of Minnesota, but soon moved to the Capitol College of Pharmacy to receive his pharmacists license in order to help his father, who ran a drugstore. After a few years as a pharmacist, Humphrey returned to the University of Minnesota to earn his bachelors degree in political science, then went on to Louisiana State University for his masters. What he saw there inspired his first run for elected office. From Mayor to the U.S. Senate Humphrey took up the cause of civil rights after witnessing what he described as the â€Å"deplorable daily indignities† suffered by African Americans in the South. After graduating with his masters degree in Louisiana, Humphrey returned to Minneapolis and ran for mayor, winning on his second try. Among his most notable accomplishments after taking office in 1945 was the creation of the nations first human relations panel, called the Municipal Fair Employment Practices Commission, to crack down on discrimination in hiring. Humphrey served one four-year term as mayor and was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1948. It was that year, too, that he pushed delegates to the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia to adopt a strong platform plank on civil rights, a move that alienated Southern Democrats and cast doubt on Harry Trumans chances of winning the presidency. Humphreys brief speech on the floor of the convention, which led to the overwhelming passage of the plank, set the party on a path to establish civil rights laws nearly two decades later: To those who say that we are rushing this issue of civil rights, I say to them we are 172 years late. To those who say that this civil-rights program is an infringement on states’ rights, I say this: The time has arrived in America for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of states rights and to walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights. The partys platform on civil rights was as follows: â€Å"We call upon Congress to support our President in guaranteeing these basic and fundamental rights: 1) the right of full and equal political participation; 2) the right to equal opportunity of employment; 3) the right of security of person; and 4) the right of equal treatment in the service and defense of our nation.† From U.S. Senate to Loyal Vice President Humphrey forged an unlikely bond in the U.S. Senate with Lyndon B. Johnson, and in 1964 accepted a role as his running mate in the presidential election. In doing so, Humphrey also vowed his unswerving loyalty to Johnson on all issues, from civil rights to the Vietnam War. Humphrey relinquished many of his most deeply held convictions, becoming what many critics called Johnsons puppet. For example, at Johnsons request, Humphrey asked civil rights activists to back down at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. And despite his deep reservations about the Vietnam War, Humphrey became Johnsons chief spear carrier for the conflict, a move that alienated liberal supporters and activists who protested U.S. involvement. 1968 Presidential Campaign Humphrey became the Democratic Partys accidental presidential nominee in 1968 when Johnson announced he would not seek re-election and another presumptive front-runner for the nomination, Robert Kennedy, was assassinated after winning the California primary in June of that year. Humphrey defeated two war opponents- U.S. Senators Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota and George McGovern of South Dakota- at the tumultuous Democratic National Convention in Chicago that year and chose U.S. Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine as his running-mate. Humphreys campaign against Republican presidential nominee Richard M. Nixon was underfunded and disorganized, however, because of the candidates late start. (Most White House aspirants begin building an organization at least two years before Election Day.) Humphreys campaign really suffered, though, because of his support for the Vietnam War when Americans, particularly liberal voters, were growing skeptical of the conflict. The Democratic nominee reversed course before election day, calling a halt to bombing in September of the election year after facing accusations of baby-killer on the campaign trail. Nonetheless, voters viewed a Humphrey presidency as a continuation of the war, and chose instead Nixons promise of an â€Å"an honorable end to the war in Vietnam.† Nixon won the presidential election with 301 of the 538 electoral votes. Humphrey had run unsuccessfully for the Democratic Partys presidential nomination twice before, once in 1952 and once in 1960. In 1952, Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson won the nomination. Eight years later, U.S. Senator John F. Kennedy won the nomination. Humphrey also sought the nomination in 1972, but the party chose McGovern. Later Life After losing the presidential election, Humphrey returned to private life teaching political science at Macalester College and the University of Minnesota, though his academic career was short-lived. â€Å"The pull of Washington, the need I suppose, to resurrect my career and previous reputation were too great,† he said. Humphrey won re-election to the U.S. Senate in the 1970 elections. He served until his death from cancer in January 13, 1978. When Humphrey died, his wife, Muriel Fay Buck Humphrey, filled his seat in the Senate, becoming only the 12th woman to serve in the upper chamber of Congress. Legacy Humphreys legacy is a complicated one. He is credited with setting members of Democratic Party on a path to passing the Civil Rights Act in 1964 by championing the causes of social justice for minorities in speeches and rallies over the span of nearly two decades. Humphreys colleagues nicknamed him the happy warrior because of his indefatigable optimism and spirited defense of the weakest members of society. However, he is also known for acquiescing to Johnsons will during the 1964 election, essentially compromising his own long-held convictions. Notable Quotes We have made progress. Weve made great progress in every part of this country. We’ve made great progress in the South; we’ve made it in the West, in the North, and in the East. But we must now focus the direction of that progress towards the realization of a full program of civil rights to all.â€Å"To err is human. To blame someone else is politics.†Ã‚  Ã¢â‚¬Å"The moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in shadows of life, the sick, the needy, and the handicapped.† Sources â€Å"Hubert H. Humphrey, 38th Vice President (1965-1969).†Ã‚  U.S. Senate: Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, Historical Office of the U.S. Senate, 12 Jan. 2017.Brenes, Michael. â€Å"The Tragedy of Hubert Humphrey.†Ã‚  The New York Times, The New York Times, 24 Mar. 2018.Nathanson, Iric. â€Å"The Final Chapter: Hubert Humphrey Returns to Public Life.†Ã‚  MinnPost, 26 May 2011.Traub, James. â€Å"The Party of Hubert Humphrey.†Ã‚  The Atlantic, Atlantic Media Company, 8 Apr. 2018.

Management and Leadership development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

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See attachments Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

See attachments - Essay Example actions in meddling with military affairs and his initiation of the Jewish Holocaust, would result to the defeat of Germany against the Allied forces of United States, Soviet Russian, Great Britain and France. Initially, during 1939 to 1942, Germany swiftly overran most of Western Europe. Germany succeeded for more than two years by relying on their new method of warfare called Blitzkrieg. This innovative way of waging modern war required the focused use of offensive forces against the weakest point in a battlefront. For this to be achieved, speed and coordination was needed, using combined arms that involved the use of strike aircraft, assault infantry, mechanized and armored units, and artillery support. This led to newer technologies for tanks, aircrafts, and other weapons for Germany, aside from better-trained personnel. First, German air forces would thwart enemy forces from effectively bringing supplies or prevent the deployment of reinforcements. Afterwards, the German army would penetrate enemy defenses or lines with their tank divisions, known as panzers, to break through enemy lines quickly and move around without restraint. The result of this method of attack would result in sh ock and disorientation among the enemy forces. In the German plan, it was anticipated that an enemy’s entire country would be so quickly over-run that little concern need be had for industrial and war production that was merely potential.1 Germany’s use of maneuver warfare was supposedly a quick and decisive solution to achieve a swift and total victory. As far as tactics were concerned, the Germans had better tactical application and advantages in the early years of World War II. However, it was too late when the Germans realized that their means to wage did not match their ends, and exceeded their capabilities. There was hardly anything wrong with the military strategic and tactical doctrines of the German Third Reich. The problems were in the military objectives that

Analysys of the Story Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyich Term Paper

Analysys of the Story Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyich - Term Paper Example The story begins with the death of Ivan that is announced to a group of judges in a private meeting over a case. Ivan’s close ally, Peter announces the death to the group that immediately thinks of the induced opportunities for transfers and promotions. Peter develops similar perception though he is a little more touched by the death. On arrival at Ivan’s house, Peter finds Schwartz, who is equally unaffected by the death, and Schwartz proposes a game later in the day. Peter is however emotionally touched and he notices an expression of fulfillment and a sense of warning, to those who are still alive, on Ivan’s face. Ivan’s wife, through her interaction with peter is equally concerned about money than her husband’s death (Tolstoy, p. 1- 8). Chapter 2 Ivan is presented as an introvert who keeps more to himself. He joins law school where he allows external forces to manipulate his ideologies. He however identifies particular characters whom he emulates as he grows up and he is more specific to allow influence from higher social classes. Upon graduation, Ivan is employed in the civil service in which his career develops through a series of promotions. He meets Fedorovna whom he later marries out of convenience due to his peer’s opinions. The marriage however fails to work out and Ivan resorts to spend more time in his work. His inability to take control of his life and that of his family is depicted, as he is not able to make personal decisions. His conflict resolution ability is also weak as he fails to identify and solve the problem with his wife during her pregnancy and later in life. This consequently escalates to ruin stability in their marriage. Ivan therefore represents a section of the society that is controlled by ex ternal forces and is not able to make decisions over their own lives. His middle ground however depicts him as a moderator between two extremes of life (Tolstoy, p. 10-14). Chapter 3 Selfishness and greed becomes a major theme as Ivan distances himself from the society around him. His selfish attitude is noted when he loses his temper for failing to secure promotion in his career. Unable to cope with frustration at the work place that had created a rift between Ivan and his colleagues, he resorts to quit his job and only changes his mind after his friend is promoted in the ministry and secures him a better position. The culture of nepotism and favoritism is therefore depicted in the scene. This can be understood from two perspectives. Either the former administration discriminated against Ivan and promoted other persons against merit, or the newly appointed friend of Ivan offered him a position against merit. Similarly, social stratification is exhibited in the story through Ivanâ⠂¬â„¢s behavior after his new appointment. He tries to make his new house to a standard that he has wished to live in. Though the standard is beyond his means, he goes beyond this to be in the particular class of house. Ivan also hosts people of a particular social class, an indication of a stratified society. The concept of social instability continues to run through Ivan’s family, as he is not able to manage his family life and appropriately combine it with his work (Tolstoy, p. 16- 22). Chapter 4 Death and detachment from life is also eminent in the literature. This covers both real death and symbolic death. Ivan’s diagnosis that worsens his attitude signifies his death to the world around him. He loses touch with his family who thinks that he is intolerable. Similarly, the treatment that Ivan receives from his doctor and his colleagues signifies a symbolized death. The society has therefore lost interest in him and is waiting for his physical death that does not ev entually take them by surprise. Ivan’s isolation from the society can however partly be explained by his poor relationship with people (Tolstoy, p. 22- 27). Chapter 5 Ivan’s condition worsens and brings his attention to the fact that he is facing death. He realizes that

A Deeper Perspective on Executive Power Essay Example for Free

A Deeper Perspective on Executive Power Essay Executive Power is often and briefly defined as the power to enforce and administer the laws. It is usually bestowed upon the President or Head of a country. In the exercise of this power, the person who has such power assumes a plenitude of authority and the corresponding big and deep responsibility, thus making him the most influential person in the land he governs.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The exercise of an Executive Power through the President’s own will is sometimes referred as the discretionary power which is undoubtedly constitutional. But the exercise of such will but no power is considered unconstitutional. Will but no power pertains to actions or instances that the executive department may exercise on their discretion but is in violation of a certain provision in the constitution. See more: The stages of consumer buying decision process essay   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the case of Clinton v City of New York, the acts of Clinton canceling  §4722(c) of the Balanced Budget Act and  §968 of the Taxpayer Relief Act by virtue of an Act, was held unconstitutional and in violation of Article I,  §7. Clinton acted beyond his discretionary powers. He acted with his own will in canceling the above-mentioned provisions but he has no power to do such. To wit the court, that the Act that procures the discretionary powers of Clinton to cancel the disputed provisions mentioned, impermissibly disrupts the balance of powers among the three branches of the government which are clearly categorized and distinguished under separation of powers. Moreover, the Act’s procedures are not authorized by the Constitution. If this Act were to be considered as valid, it would authorize the President to create a law whose text was not voted on by either House or presented to the President for signature which would clearly be a violation of the process in passing a new law provided for in the constitution. (Clinton v City of New York, 1998) References Clinton, President of the United States,, et al. v City of New York et al. June 25, 1998. Supreme Court Collection. Cornell University LawSchool. Retrieved from supct.law.cornell.edu.

Economic Consequences of Software Crime Essay -- Economics Piracy Econ

Economic Consequences of Software Crime In 1996 worldwide illegal copying of domestic and international software cost $15.2 billion to the software industry, with a loss of $5.1 billion in the North America alone. Some sources put the total up-to-date losses, due to software crime, as high as $4.7 trillion. On the next page is a regional breakdown of software piracy losses for 1994. Estimates show that over 40 percent of North American software company revenues are generated overseas, yet nearly 85 percent of the software industry's piracy losses occurred outside of North America. The Software Publishers Association (SPA) indicated that approximately 35 percent of the business software in the North America was obtained illegally. In fact, 30 percent of the piracy occurs in corporate settings. In a corporate setting or business, every computer must have its own set of original software and the appropriate number of manuals. It is illegal for a corporation or business to purchase a single set of original software and then lo ad that software onto more than one computer, or lend, copy or distribute software for any reason without the prior written consent of the software manufacturer. Many software managers are concerned with the legal compliance, along with asset management and costs to their organizations. Many firms involve their legal departments and human resources in regards to software distribution and licensing. Information can qualify to be property in two ways; patent law and copyright laws which are creations of federal statutes, which are subject to Constitutional authority. In order for the government to prosecute the unauthorized copying of computerized information as theft, it must first rely on other theories of information-as-property. Trade secret laws are created by provincial law, and most jurisdictions have laws that criminalize the violations of a trade-secret holder’s rights. The definition of a trade secret varies somewhat from province to province, but commonly have the same elements. For example, the information must be secret, not of public knowledge or of general knowledge in the trade or business. A court will allow a trade secret to be used by someone who discovered or developed the trade secret independently if the holder takes adequate precautions to protect the secret. In 1964, the National Copyright Office began... ...hared by anybody that is involved with any aspect of the software industry. As the future of approaches, more and more people are gaining experience with technology. That experience doesn’t come without a price. That price is the power to manipulate technology for personal gain which usually results in a detriment –typically financial–to others. Bibliography: Brandel, William, "Licensing stymies users," URL:"http://www.viman.com/license/license.html#policy", Viman Software, Inc., 1994. Business Software Alliance, "Software Piracy and the Law," URL:"http://www.bsa.org/bsa/docs/soft_pl.html", Business Software Alliance, 1995. Software Publishers Association, "SPA Anti-Piracy Backgrounder," URL:"http://www.spa.org/piracy/pi_back.htm", Software Publishers Association, 1995. Business Software Alliance, "Did You Know?," URL:"http://www.bsa.org/cgi-bin-bsa.org/seconds.cgi?", Business Software Alliance, 1997. The Economist, "Slipping A Disk, " URL: "http://www.economist.com/issue/27-07-96/wbsfl.gif", The Economist, 1994. Business Software Alliance, "Software Piracy," URL: "http://www.bsa.org/privacy/privacy.html", Business Software Alliance, 1997.

Partial Interview with Biff Loman Essay

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Structural Functional Approach

Retrieved from: http://www. cifas. us/smith/chapters. html Title: â€Å"A structural approach to comparative politics. † Author(s): M. G. Smith Source: In Varieties of Political Theory. David Easton, ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. p. 113-128. Reprinted in Corporations and Society. p. 91-105. FIVE M. G. SMITH University of California, Los Angeles A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics Comparative politics seeks to discover regularities and variations of political organization by comparative analysis of historical and contemporary systems.Having isolated these regularities and variations, it seeks to determine the factors which underlie them, in order to discover the properties and conditions of polities of varying types. It then seeks to reduce these observations to a series of interconnected propositions applicable to all these systems in both static and changing conditions. Hopefully, one can then enquire how these governmental processes relate to the wider m ilieux of which they are part. It would seem that this comparative enquiry may be pursued i~. various ways that all share the same basic strategy, but differ in emphases arid sta~ ­ ing points.Their common strategy is to abstract one aspect of political reality and develop it as a frame of reference. With this variable held constant, enquiries can seek to determine the limits within which other dimensions vary; as the value of the primary variable is changed, the forms and values of the others, separately or together, can also be investigated. Ideally, we should seek to deduce relevant hypotheses from a general body of theory, and then to check and refine them by inductive analyses of historical and ethnographic data. ActuaJ procedures vary. 113 114 /A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS Initially, we might expect anyone of four approaches to be useful in the comparative study of political systems. These four approaches use respectively the dimensions of process, content, function, and form as the bases for their conceptual frameworks. In fact, cOlIlparative studies based on process and content face insuperable obstacles due to the enormous variability of political systems. In centralized polities, the institutional processes of government are elaborately differentiated, discrete, and easy to identify.They are often the subject, as well as the source, of a more or less complex and precise body of rules which may require specialists to interpret them. In simpler societies, the corresponding processes are rarely differentiated and discrete. They normally occur within the context of institutional activities with multiple functions, and are often difficult to abstract and segregate for analysis as self-contained processual systems. Before this is possible, we need independent criteria to distinguish the governmental and nongovernmental dimensions of these institutional forms.The substantive approach rests on the category of content. By the con.. tent of a governmental system, I mean its specific substantive concerns and resources, whether material, human, or symbolic. As a rule, the more differentiated and complex the governmental processes are, the greater the range and complexity of content. This follows because the content and processes of government vary together. Since both these frameworks are interdependent and derivative, both presuppose independent criteria for identifying government. The functional approach avoids these limitations.It defines government functionally as all those activities which influence â€Å"the way in which authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society. â€Å"l From this starting point, various refined conceptual schemes can be developed. As requisites or implications of these decisional processes, David Easton identifies five modes of action as necessary elements of all political systems: legislation, administration, adjudication, the development of demands, and the development of support and solidarity. They may be grouped as input and output requisites of governmental systems.According to Almond, the universally necessary inputs are political socialization and recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication. As outputs, he states that rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication are all universa1. 2 Neither of these categorical schemes specifies foreign relations and defense, which are two very general governmental concerns; nor is it easy to see how these schemes could accommodate political processes in non-societal units. Such deductive models suffer from certain inexplicit assumptions with1David Easton, â€Å"An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems,† World Politics, IX, No. 3 (1957), 384. 2 Gabriel Almond, â€Å"Introduction† to Almond and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITIC S / 115 out which the initial exclusive stress on political functions might be im- . possible. But despite their universal claims, it remains to be shown that Bushmen, Pygmies, or Eskimos have governments which are functionally homologous with those of the United States and the Soviet Union.Legislation, rule adjudication, and interest articulation are categories appropriate to the discussion of complex, modern polities rather than simple, primitive ones. But the problem which faces the student of comparative politics is to develop a conceptual framework useful and applicable to all. To impute the features and conditions of modern polities to the less differentiated primitive systems is virtually to abandon the central problem of comparative politics. The functional approach, as usually presented, suffers from a further defect: It assumes a rather special ensemble of structural conditions.When â€Å"authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society,† this unit must be territorially delimited and politically centralized. The mode of centralization should also endow government with â€Å"more-or-Iess legitimate physical compulsion. â€Å"3 In short, the reality to which the model refers is the modern nation-state. By such criteria, ethnography shows that the boundaries of many societies are fluctuating and obscure, and that the authoritative status of decisions made in and for them are even more so.Clearly bounded societies with centralized authority systems are perhaps a small minority of the polities with which we have to deal. A structural approach free of these functional presumptions may thus be useful, but only if it can accommodate the full range of political systems and elucidate the principles which underlie their variety. In this paper, I shall only indicate the broad outlines of this approach. I hope to present it more fully in the future. Government is the regulation of public affairs.This regulation is a set of processes whic h defines government functionally, and which also identifies its content as the affairs which are regulated, and the resources used to regulate them. It does not seem useful or necessary to begin a comparative study of governmental systems by deductive theories which predicate their minimum universal content, requisites, or features. The critical element in government is its public character. Without a public, there can be neither public affairs nor processes to regulate them.Moreover, while all governments presuppose publics, all publics have governments for the management of their affairs. The nature of these publics is therefore the first object of study. Publics vary in scale, composition, and character, and it is reasonable to suppose that their common affairs and regulatory arrangements will vary correspondingly. The first task of a structural approach to comparative politics is thus to identify the properties of a public and to indicate the principal varieties and bases of pu blics. 3 Almond, â€Å"Introduction,† p. . 116 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS As I use the term, public does not include mobs, crowds, casual assemblies, or mass-communication audiences. It does not refer to such categories as resident aliens, the ill, aged, or unwed, or to those social segments which lack common affairs and organized procedures to regulate them-for example, slaves, some clans, and unenfranchised strata such as the medieval serfs or the harijans of India. Such categories are part of one or more publics; they are not separate publics of their own.For example, in an Indian village, a medieval manor, or a slave plantation, members of the disprivileged categories constitute a public only if they form an enduring group having certain common affairs and the organization and autonomy necessary to regulate them; but the existence of such local publics is not in itself sufficient for the strata from which their memberships are drawn to have the status of publics. For this to be the case, these local publics must be organized into a single group co-extensive with the stratum. With such organization, we shall expect to find a set of common affairs and procedures to regulate them.The organization is itself an important common affair and a system of institutional procedures. By a public, then, I mean an enduring, presumably perpetual group with determinate boundaries and membership, having an internal organization and a unitary set of external relations, an exclusive body of common affairs, and autonomy and procedures adequate to regulate them. It will be evident that a public can neither come into being nor maintain its existence without some set of procedures by which it regulates its internal and external affairs. These procedures together form the governmental process of the public.Mobs, crowds, and audiences are not publics, because they lack presumptive continuity, internal organization, common affairs, procedures, and autonom y. For this reason, they also lack the determinate boundaries and membership which are essential for a durable group. While the categories mentioned above are fixed and durable, they also lack the internal organization and procedures which constitute a group. When groups are constituted so that their continuity, identity, autonomy, organization, and exclusive affairs are not disturbed by the entrance or exit of their individual members, they have the character of a public.The city of Santa Monica shares these properties with the United States, the Roman Catholic Church, Bushman bands, the dominant caste of an Indian village, the Mende Pora, an African lineage, a Nahuatl or Slavonic village community, Galla and Kikuyu age-sets, societies among the Crow and Hidatsa Indians, universities, medieval guilds, chartered companies, regiments, and such â€Å"voluntary† associations as the Yoruba Ogboni, the Yako lkpungkara, and the American Medical Association. The units just listed ar e all publics and all are corporate groups; the governmental process inherent in publics is a feature of all corporate groups.Corporate groups-Maine's â€Å"corporations aggregate†-are one species of â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporation, the other being the â€Å"corporation A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 117 sole† exemplified by such offices as the American Presidency, the British Crown, the Papacy, governorships, chieftaincies, and university chancellorships. Corporations sole and corporate groups share the following characteristics, all of which are necessary for â€Å"perfect† or full corporate status: identity, presumed perpetuity, closure and membership, autonomy within a given sphere, exclusive common affairs, set procedures, and organization.The first four of these qualities are formal and primarily external in their reference; they define the unit in relation to its context. The last four conditions are processual and func tional, and primarily internal in their reference. The main differences between corporations sole and corporate groups are structural, though developmental differences are also important. Corporate groups are pluralities to which an unchanging unity is ascribed; viewed externally, each forms â€Å"one person,† as Fortes characterized the Ashanti matrilineages. This external indivisibility of the corporate group is not merely a jural postulate. It inevitably presumes and involves governmental processes within the group. In contrast with a corporate group, an office is a unique status having only one incumbent at any given time. Nonetheless, successive holders of a common office are often conceived of and addressed as a group. The present incumbent is merely one link in a chain of indefinite extent, the temporary custodian of all the properties, powers, and privileges which constitute the office.As such, incumbents may legitimately seek to aggrandize their offices at the expens e of similar units or of the publics to which these offices relate; but they are not personally authorized to alienate or reduce the rights and powers of the status temporarily entrusted to them. The distinction between the capital of an enterprise and the personalty of its owners is similar to the distinction between the office and its incumbent. It is this distinction that enables us to distinguish ffices from other personal statuses most easily. It is very possible that in social evolution the corporate group preceded the corporation sole. However, once authority is adequately centralized, offices tend to become dominant; and then we often find that offices are instituted in advance of the publics they will regulate or represent, as, for example, when autocrats order the establishment of new towns, settlements, or colonies under officials designated to set up and administer them.There are many instances in which corporate groups and offices emerge and develop in harmony and congr uence, and both may often lapse at once as, for example, when a given public is conquered and assimilated. These developmental relations are merely one aspect of the very variable but fundamental relation between offices and corporate groups. Despite Weber, there are a wide range of corporate groups which lack stable leaders, 4 Meyer Fortes, â€Å"Kinship and Marriage among the Ashanti,† in African Sys- tems of Kinship and Marriage, eds. A. R.Radcliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), pp. 254-61. 118 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS much less official heads. Others may have senior members whose authority is at best advisory and representative; yet others have a definite council or an official head, or both. In many cases, we have to deal with a public constituted by a number of coordinate corporate groups of similar type. The senior members of these groups may form a collegial body to administer the common affairs of the public, w ith variable powers.Ibo and Indian village communities illustrate this well. In such contexts, where superordinate offices emerge, they often have a primarily sacred symbolic quality, as do the divine kingships of the Ngonde and Shilluk, but lack effective secular control. Between this extreme and an absolute despotism, there are a number of differing arrangements which only a comparative structural analysis may reduce to a single general order. Different writers stress different features of corporate organization, and sometimes employ these to â€Å"explain† these social forms.Weber, who recognizes the central role of corporate groups in political systems, fails to distinguish them adequately from offices (or â€Å"administrative organs,† as he calls them). 5 For Weber, corporate groups are defined by coordinated action under leaders who exercise de facto powers of command over them. The inadequacy of this view is patent when Barth employs it as the basis for denying to lineages and certain other units the corporate status they normally have, while reserving the term corporate for factions of a heterogeneous and contingent character. Maine, on the other hand, stresses the perpetuity of the corporation and its inalienable bundle of rights and obligations, the estate with which it is indentified. 7 For Gierke,s Durkheim,9 and Davis,10 corporate groups are identified by their common will, collective conscienc~, and group personality. For Goody, only named groups holding material property in common are corporate. 1! These definitions all suffer from overemphasis on some elements, and corresponding inattention to others. The common action characteristic of corporate groups rarely embraces the application of violence which both Weber and Barth seem to stress.Mass violence often proceeds independ5 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A. R. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (London: Wm. Hodge & Co. , 1947), pp. 133-37, 302-5. 6 Fredrik Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. Monographs in Social Anthropology, London School of Economics, No. 19 (London: University of London Press, 1959). 7 H. S. Maine, Ancient Law (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1904), p. 155. S Otto Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800, trans. Ernest Barker (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957). Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society, trans. George E. Simpson (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc. , 1933). 10 John P. Davis, Corporations (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), p. 34. 11 Jack Goody, â€Å"The Classification of Double Descent Systems,† Current Anthropology; II, No. 1 (1961), 5, 22-3. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 119 ently of corporate groups. Corporate action is typically action to regulate corporate affairs-that is, to exercise and protect corporate rights, to enforce corporate obligations, and to allocate corporate responsibilities and privileges.When a group hol ds a common estate, this tenure and its exercise inevitably involve corporate action, as does any ritual in which the members or representatives of the group engage as a unit. Even the maintenance of the group's identity and closure entails modes of corporate action, the complexity and implications of which vary with the situation. It is thus quite fallacious to identify corporate action solely with coordinated physical movements. A chorus is not a corporate group.The presumed perpetuity, boundedness, determinate membership, and identity of a corporation, all more or less clearly entail one another, as do its requisite features of autonomy, organization, procedure, and common affairs. It is largely because of this interdependence and circularity among their elements that corporations die so hard; but by the same token, none of these elements alone can constitute or maintain a corporation. An office persists as a unit even if it is not occupied, providing that the corpus of rights, r esponsibilities, and powers which constitute it still persists.To modify or eliminate the office, it is necessary to modify. or eliminate its content. Among ! Kung bushmen, bands persist as corporate groups even when they have no members or heads12 ; these bands are units holding an inalienable estate of water holes, veldkos areas, etc. , and constitute the fixed points of ! Kung geography and society. The Bushman's world being constituted by corporate bands, the reconstitution of these bands is unavoidable, whenever their dissolution makes this necessary.As units which are each defined by an exclusive universitas juris, corporations provide the frameworks of law and authoritative regulation for the societies that they constitute. The corporate estate includes rights in the persons of its members as well as in material or incorporeal goods. In simpler societies, the bulk of substantive law consists in these systems of corporate right and obligation, and includes the conditions and c orrelates of membership in corporate groups of differing type. In such societies, adjectival law consists in the usual modes of corporate procedure. To a much greater extent than is commonly ealized, this is also the case with modern societies. The persistence, internal autonomy, and structural uniformity of the corporations which constitute the society ensure corresponding uniformity in its jural rules and their regular application over space and time. As modal units of social process and structure, corporations provide the framework in which the jural aspects of social relations are defined and enforced. Tribunals are merely functionally specific corporations charged with handling issues of certain kinds. Neither tribunals nor â€Å"the systematic ap12 Lorna Marshall, â€Å"! Kung Bushmen Bands,† A/rica, XXX (1960), 325- 5). 120 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS plication of the force of politically organized society†13 are necessary or sufficient for t he establishment of law. The law of a primitive society consists in its traditional procedures and modes of corporate action, and is implicit in the traditional rights, obligations, and conditions of corporate membership. In such societies, units which hold the same type of corporate estate are structurally homologous, and are generally articulated in such a way that each depends on the tacit recognition or active support of its fellows to maintain and enjoy its estate.Thus, in these simpler systems, social order consists in the regulation of relations between the constitutive corporations as well as within them. In societies which lack central political organs, societal boundaries coincide with the maximum range of an identical corporate constitution, on the articulation of which the social order depends. Though the component corporations are all discrete, they are also interdependent. But they may be linked together in a number of different ways, with consequent differences in the ir social systems.In some cases, functionally distinct corporations may be classified together in purely formal categories, such as moieties, clans, or castes. The Kagoro of northern Nigeria illustrate this. 14 In other cases, corporations which are formally and functionally distinct may form a wider public having certain common interests and affairs. The LoDagaba of northern Ghana and Upper Volta are an example. 15 In still other cases, corporations are linked individually to one another in a complex series of alliances and associations, with overlapping margins in such a way that they all are related, directly or indirectly, in the same network.Fortes has given us a very detailed analysis of such a system among the Tallensi. 16 However they are articulated in societies which lack central institutions, it is the extensive replication of these corporate forms which defines the unit as a separate system. Institutional uniformities, which include similarities of organization, ideology , and procedure, are quite sufficient to give these acephalous societies systemic unity, even where, as among the Kachins of Burma, competing institutional forms divide the allegiance of their members. 7 To say that corporations provide the frameworks of primitive law, and that the tribunals of modem societies are also corporate forms, is simply to say that corporations are the central agencies for the regulation of public affairs, being themselves each a separate public or organ, administering certain affairs, and together constituting wider publics or associations of publics 13 Roscoe Pound, Readings on the History and System 0/ the Common Law, 2nd ed. (Boston: Dunster House Bookshop, 1913), p. 4. 14 M. G.Smith, â€Å"Kagoro Political Development,† Human Organization, XIX, No. 3 (1960), 37-49. 15 Jack Goody, â€Å"Fields of Social Control among the LoDagaba,† Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXXXVII, Part I (1957),75-104. 16 Meyer Fortes, The Dynamics 0/ Clanship among the Tallensi (London: Oxford University Press, 1945). 17 E. R. Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma (London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. , 1954). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 121 for others. By the same token, they are the sources or frameworks of disorder.In some acephalous societies, disorder seems more or less perennial, and consists mainly in strife within and between corporations. Centralization, despite its merits, does not really exclude disorder. In concentrating authority, it simultaneously concentrates the vulnerability of the system. Accordingly, in centralized societies, serious conflicts revolve around the central regulative structures, as, for instance, in secessionist or revolutionary struggles, dynastic or religious wars, and â€Å"rituals of rebellion. â€Å"18 Such conflicts with or for central power normally affect the entire social body.In acephalous societies, on the other hand, conflicts over the regime may proceed in one r egion without implicating the others. 19 In both the centralized and decentralized systems, the sources and objects of conflict are generally corporate. Careful study of Barth's account of the Swat Pathans shows that this is true for them also, although the aggregates directly contraposed are factions and blocs. 20 Societal differences in the scale, type, and degree of order and coordination, or in the frequency, occasions, and forms of social conflict are important data and problems for political science.To analyze them adequately, one must use a comparative structural approach. Briefly, recent work suggests that the quality and modes of order in any social system reflect its corporate constitution-that is, the variety of corporate types which constitute it, their distinctive bases and properties, and the way in which they are related to one another. The variability of political systems which derives from this condition is far more complex and interesting than the traditional dicho tomy of centralized and noncentralized systems would suggest.I have already indicated some important typological differences within the category of acephalous societies; equally significant differences within the centralized category are familiar to all. This traditional dichotomy assumes that centralization has a relatively clear meaning, from which a single, inclusive scale may be directly derived. This assumption subsumes a range of problems which require careful study; but in any event, centralization is merely one aspect of political organization, and not necessarily the most revealing.Given variability in the relations between corporations sole and corporate groups, and in their bases and forms, it seems more useful to distinguish systems according to their structural simplicity or complexity, by reference to · the variety of corporate units of differing forms, bases, and functions which they contain, and the principles which serve to articulate them. Patently, such differen ces in composition imply differences in the relational networks in which these corporations articulate. Such ifferences in structural composition simultaneously describe the variety of political forms 18 Max Gluckman, Rituals of Rebellion in South East Africa (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954); â€Å"Introduction† to Gluckman, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (London: Cohen & West, 1963). 19 Leach, Political Systems 0/ Highland Burma. 20 Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. 122 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS and processes, and explain differences in the scale, order, and coordination of polities.This is so because corporate organization provides the framework, content, and procedures for the regulation of public affairs. For this reason, the analysis of corporate structure should be the first task in the case study of a political system and in comparative work. For many political scientists, the concept of sovereignty is essential as the foundation of governmental order and autonomy. In my view, this notion is best dispensed with. It is a hindrance rather than a help to analysis, an unhappy solution of a very real problem which has been poorly formulated. In a system of sovereign states, no state is sovereign.As etymology shows, the idea of sovereignty derives from the historically antecedent condition of personal dominion such as kingship, and simply generalizes the essential features of this form as an ideology appropriate to legitimate and guide other forms of centralization. The real problem with which the notion of sovereignty deals is the relation between autonomy and coordination. As the fundamental myth of the modern nation-state, the concept is undoubtedly important in the study of these states; its historical or analytical usefulness is otherwise very doubtful.It seems best to formulate the problems of simultaneous coordination and autonomy in neutral terms. As units administering exclusive common a ffairs, corporations presuppose well-defined spheres and levels of autonomy, which are generally no more nor less than the affairs of these units require for their adequate regulation. Where a corporation fully subsumes all the juridical rights of its members so that their corporate identification is exclusive and lifelong, the tendencies toward autarchy are generally greatest, the stress on internal autonomy most pronounced, and relations between corporations most brittle.This seems to be the case with certain types of segmentary lineage systems, such as the Tallensi. Yet even in these conditions, and perhaps to cope with them, we usually find institutional bonds of various types such as ritual cooperation, local community, intermarriage, clanship, and kinship which serve to bind the autarchic individual units into a series of wider publics, or a set of dyadic or triadic associations, the members of which belong to several such publics simultaneously.Weber's classification of corpo rate groups as heteronomous or autonomous, heterocephalous or autocephalous, touches only those aspects of this problem in which he was directly interested. 21 We need also to analyze and compare differing levels, types, and degrees of autonomy and dependence in differing social spheres and situations. From comparative studies of these problems, we may hope to derive precise hypotheses about the conditions and limits of corporate autonomy and articulation in systems of differing composition and span. These hypotheses should also illuminate the conditions and limits of social disorder.Besides the â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporations, offices and corpo21 Weber, Theory 0/ Social and Economic Organization, pp. 135-36. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 123 rate groups, there are â€Å"imperfect† quasicorporations with must also be studied explicitly. The two main forms here are the corporate category and the commission. A corporate category is a clearl y bounded, identifiable, and permanent aggregate which differs from the corporate group in lacking exclusive common affairs, autonomy, procedures adequate for their regulation, and the internal organization which constitutes the group.Viewed externally, acephalous societies may be regarded as corporate categories in their geographical contexts, since each lacks a single inclusive frame of organization. But they are categories of a rather special type, since, as we have seen, their institutional uniformity provides an effective basis for functional unity. In medieval Europe, serfs formed a corporate category even though on particular manors they may have formed corporate groups.Among the Turkana22 and Karimojong23 of East Africa, age-sets are corporate categories since they lack internal organization, exclusive affairs, distinctive procedures, and autonomy. Among the nearby Kipsigi24 and Nandi25 clans are categorical units. These clans have names and identifying symbols, a determinat e membership recruited by agnatic descent, certain ritual and social prohibitions of which exogamy is most important, and continuity over time; but they lack internal organization, common affairs, procedures and autonomy to regulate them.Though they provide a set of categories into which all members of these societies are distributed, they never function as social groups. Not far to the south, in Ruanda, the subject Hutu caste formed a corporate category not so long ago. 26 This â€Å"caste† had a fixed membership, closure, easy identification, and formed a permanent structural unit in the Tutsi state. Rutu were excluded from the political process, as a category and almost to a man. They lacked any inclusive internal organization, exclusive affairs, autonomy, or procedures to regulate them.Under their Tutsi masters, they held the status of serfs; but when universal suffrage was recently introduced, Rutu enrolled in political parties such as the Parmehutu Aprosoma which succee ded in throwing off the Tutsi yoke and expelling the monarchy. 27 In order to become corporate groups, corporate categories need to develop an effective representative organization, such for instance as may now be emerging among American Negroes. In the American case, this corporate category is seeking to organize itself in order to remove the disprivileges which define it as a category.Some corporate 22 Philip Gulliver, â€Å"The Turkana Age Organization,† American Anthropologist, LX (1958), 900-922. 23 Neville Dyson-Hudson, to author, 1963. 24 J. G. Peristiany, The Social Institutions of the Kipsigis (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1939). 25 G. W. B. Huntingford, The Nandi of Kenya (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1953). 26 J. J. Maquet, The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960). 27 Marcel d'Hertefelt, â€Å"Les Elections Communales et Ie Consensus Politique au Rwanda,† Zaire, XIV, Nos. -6 (1960), 403-38. 124 / A STRUC TURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS categories are thus merely formal units lacking common functions; others are defined by common disabilities and burdens, though lacking common affairs. Under Islam, the dhimmi formed such a category; in India, so do the individual castes. The disabilities and prohibitions which define categories are not always directly political; they include exogamy and ritual taboos. Commissions differ from offices along lines which recall the differences between corporate categories and corporate groups.Like categories, commissions fall into two main classes: one class includes ad hoc and normally discontinuous capacities of a vaguely defined character, having diffuse or specific objects. The other class includes continuing series of indefinite number, the units of which are all defined in such general terms as to appear structurally and functionally equivalent and interchangeable. Familiar examples of the latter class are military commissions, magistracies, professorships, and priesthoods; but the sheiks and sa'ids of Islam belong here also.Examples of the first class, in which the powers exercised are unique but discontinuous and ill-defined, include parliamentary commissions of enquiry or other ad hoc commissions, and plenipotentiaries commissioned to negotiate special arrangements. In some societies, such as the Eskimo, Bushman, and Nuer, individuals having certain gifts may exercise informal commissions which derive support and authority from public opinion. The Nuer â€Å"bull,† prophet, and leopard-skin priests are examples. 28 Among the Eskimos, the shaman and the fearless hunter-warrior have similar positions. 9 The persistence of these commissions, despite turnover of personnel and their discontinuous action, is perhaps the best evidence of their importance in these social systems. For their immediate publics, such commissions personalize social values of high relevance and provide agencies for ad hoc regulation and gu idance of action. In these humble forms, we may perceive the seeds of modern bureaucracy. Commissions are especially important as regulatory agencies in social movements under charismatic leaders, and during periods of popular unrest.The charismatic leadership is itself merely the supreme directing commission. As occasion requires, the charismatic leader creates new commissions by delegating authority and power to chosen individuals for special tasks. The careers of Gandhi, Mohammed, Hitler, and Shehu Usumanu dan Fodio in Hausaland illustrate this pattern well. So does the organization and development of the various Melanesian â€Å"cargo cults. â€Å"30 But if the commission is to be institutionalized as a unit of permanent administration, its arbitrary 28 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer (London: Oxford University Press, 940). 29 Kaj Birket-Smith, The Eskimo (London: Meuthuen & Co. , Ltd. , 1960); V. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo (New York: The Crowell-Collier Publishing Co . , 1962). 80 Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound (London: McGibbon & Kee, 1957). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVB POLma / 125 character must be replaced by set rules, procedures, and spheres of action; this institutionalization converts the commission into an office in the same way that its organization converts the corporate category into a corporate group.Moreover, in the processes by which corporate categories organize themselves as groups, charismatic leadership and its attached commissions are the critical agencies. The current movement for civil rights among American Negroes illustrates this neatly. Any given public may include offices, commissions, corporate categories, and corporate groups of differing bases and type. In studying governmental systems, we must therefore begin by identifying publics and analyzing their internal constitution as well as their external relationships in these terms.It is entirely a matter of convenience whether we choose to begin with the smallest units and work outwards to the limits of their relational systems, or to proceed in the opposite direction. Given equal thoroughness, the results should be the same in both cases. Any governmental unit is corporate, and any public may include, wholly or in part, a number of such corporations. These units and their interrelations together define the internal order and constitution of the public and its network of external relations.Both in the analysis of particular systems and in comparative work, we should therefore begin by determining the corporate composition of the public under study, by distinguishing its corporate groups, offices, commissions, and categories, and by defining their several properties and features. As already mentioned, we may find, in some acephalous societies, a series of linked publics with intercalary corporations and overlapping margins. We may also find that a single corporate form, such as the Mende Para or the Roman Catholic Church, cuts across a number of quite distinct and mutually independent publics.An alternative mode of integration depends on the simultaneous membership of individuals in several distinct corporations of differing constitution, interest and kind. Thus, an adult Yako81 simultaneously belongs to a patrilineage, a matrilineage, an age-set in his ward, the ward (which is a distinct corporate group), one or more functionally specific corporate associations at the ward or village level, and the village, which is the widest public. Such patterns of overlapping and dispersed membership may characterize both individuals and corporations equally.The corporations will then participate in several discrete publics, each with its exclusive affairs, autonomy, membership, and procedures, just as the individual participates in several corporations. It is this dispersed, multiple membership which is basic to societal unity, whether or not government is centralized. Even though the inclusive public with a centralized a uthority system is a corporate group, and a culturally distinct population 81Daryll Forde, Yako Studies (London: Oxford University Press, 1964); Kenneth Little, The -Mende of Sierra Leone (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. 1951). 126 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS without this remains a corporate category, functionally both aggregates derive their underlying unities from the same mechanism of crosscutting memberships, loyalties, and cleavages. In the structural study of a given political system, we must therefore define its corporate constitution, determine the principles on which these corporate forms are based, and see how they articulate with one another.In comparative study, we seek to determine what differences or uniformities of political process, content, and function correspond with observable differences or uniformities of corporate composition and articulation. For this purpose, we must isolate the structural principles on which the various types of cor porations are based in order to determine their requisites and implications, and to assess their congruence or discongruence. To indicate my meaning, it is sufficient to list the various principles on which corporate groups and categories may be based.These include sex, age, locality, ethnicity, descent, common property interests, ritual and belief, occupation, and â€Å"voluntary† association for diffuse or specific pursuits. Ethnographic data show that we shall rarely find corporate groups which are based exclusively on one of these principles. As a rule, their foundations combine two, three, or more principles, with corresponding complexity and stability in their organization. Thus, lineages are recruited and defined by descent, common property interests, and generally co-residence.Besides equivalence in age, age-sets presume sameness of sex and, for effective incorporation, local co-residence. Guilds typically stressed occupation and locality; but they were also united by property interests in common market facilities. In India, caste is incorporated on the principles of descent, ritual, and occupation. Clearly, differing combinations of these basic structural principles will give rise to corporations of differing type, complexity, and capacity; and these differences will also affect the content, functions, forms, and contextual relations of the units which incorporate them.It follows that differing combinations of these differing corporate forms underlie the observable differences of order and process in political organization. This is the broad hypothesis to which the comparative- structural study of political systems leads. It is eminently suited to verification or disproof. By the same token, uniformities in corporate composition and organization between, as well as within, societies should entail virtual identities of political process, content, and form.When, to the various possible forms of corporate group differentiated by the combination of structural principles on which they are based and by the relations to their corporate contexts which these entail, we add the other alternatives of office, commission, and category, themselves variable with respect to the principles which constitute them, we simultaneously itemize the principal elements which give rise to the variety of political forms, and the principles and methods by which we can reasonably hopeA STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 127 to reduce them to a single general order. Since corporations are essential regulatory units of variable character, their different combinations encompass the entire range of variability of political systems on the functional, processual, and substantive, as well as on the structural levels. Within this structural framework, we may also examine the nature of the regulatory process, its constituents, modes, and objectives.The basic elements of regulation are authority and power. Though always interdependent and often combi ned, they should not be confused. As a regulatory capacity, authority is legitimated and identified by the rules, traditions, and precedents which embody it and which govern its exercise and objects. Power is also regulatory, but is neither fully prescribed nor governed by norms and rules. Whereas authority presumes and expresses normative consensus, power is most evident in conflict and contraposition where dissensus obtains.In systems of public regulation, these conditions of consent and dissent inevitably concur, although they vary in their forms, objects, and proportions. Such systems accordingly depend on the simultaneous exercise and interrelation of the power and authority with which they are identified. Structural analysis enables us to identify the various contexts in which these values and capacities appear, the forms they may take, the objectives they may pursue, and their typical relations with one another within as well as between corporate units.In a structurally homog eneous system based on replication of a single corporate form, the mode of corporate organization will canalize the authority structure and the issues of conflict. It will simultaneously determine the forms of congruence or incongruence between the separate corporate groups. In a structurally heterogeneous system having a variety of corporate forms, we shall also have to look for congruence or incongruence among corporations of differing types, and for interdependence or competition at the various structural levels.Any corporate group embodies a set of structures and procedures which enjoy authority. By definition, all corporations sole are such units. Within, around, and between corporations we shall expect to find recurrent disagreements over alternative courses of action, the interpretation and application of relevant rules, the allocation of positions, privileges and obligations, etc. These issues recurrently develop within the framework of corporate interests, and are settled b y direct or indirect exercise of authority and power.Few serious students now attempt to reduce political systems to the modality of power alone; but many, under Weber's influence, seek to analyze governments solely in terms of authority. Both alternatives are misleading. Our analysis simultaneously stresses the difference and the interdependence of authority and power. The greater the structural simplicity of a given system, that is, its dependence on replication of a single corporate form, such as the Bushman band or Tallensi lineage, the greater its decen- 28 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS tralization and the narrower the range in which authority and power may apply. The greater the heterogeneity of corporate types in a given system, the greater the number of levels on which authority and power are simultaneously requisite and manifest, and the more critical their congruence for the integration of the system as a whole.