Analysys of the Story Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyich Term Paper

Analysys of the Story Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyich - Term Paper Example The story begins with the death of Ivan that is announced to a group of judges in a private meeting over a case. Ivan’s close ally, Peter announces the death to the group that immediately thinks of the induced opportunities for transfers and promotions. Peter develops similar perception though he is a little more touched by the death. On arrival at Ivan’s house, Peter finds Schwartz, who is equally unaffected by the death, and Schwartz proposes a game later in the day. Peter is however emotionally touched and he notices an expression of fulfillment and a sense of warning, to those who are still alive, on Ivan’s face. Ivan’s wife, through her interaction with peter is equally concerned about money than her husband’s death (Tolstoy, p. 1- 8). Chapter 2 Ivan is presented as an introvert who keeps more to himself. He joins law school where he allows external forces to manipulate his ideologies. He however identifies particular characters whom he emulates as he grows up and he is more specific to allow influence from higher social classes. Upon graduation, Ivan is employed in the civil service in which his career develops through a series of promotions. He meets Fedorovna whom he later marries out of convenience due to his peer’s opinions. The marriage however fails to work out and Ivan resorts to spend more time in his work. His inability to take control of his life and that of his family is depicted, as he is not able to make personal decisions. His conflict resolution ability is also weak as he fails to identify and solve the problem with his wife during her pregnancy and later in life. This consequently escalates to ruin stability in their marriage. Ivan therefore represents a section of the society that is controlled by ex ternal forces and is not able to make decisions over their own lives. His middle ground however depicts him as a moderator between two extremes of life (Tolstoy, p. 10-14). Chapter 3 Selfishness and greed becomes a major theme as Ivan distances himself from the society around him. His selfish attitude is noted when he loses his temper for failing to secure promotion in his career. Unable to cope with frustration at the work place that had created a rift between Ivan and his colleagues, he resorts to quit his job and only changes his mind after his friend is promoted in the ministry and secures him a better position. The culture of nepotism and favoritism is therefore depicted in the scene. This can be understood from two perspectives. Either the former administration discriminated against Ivan and promoted other persons against merit, or the newly appointed friend of Ivan offered him a position against merit. Similarly, social stratification is exhibited in the story through Ivanâ⠂¬â„¢s behavior after his new appointment. He tries to make his new house to a standard that he has wished to live in. Though the standard is beyond his means, he goes beyond this to be in the particular class of house. Ivan also hosts people of a particular social class, an indication of a stratified society. The concept of social instability continues to run through Ivan’s family, as he is not able to manage his family life and appropriately combine it with his work (Tolstoy, p. 16- 22). Chapter 4 Death and detachment from life is also eminent in the literature. This covers both real death and symbolic death. Ivan’s diagnosis that worsens his attitude signifies his death to the world around him. He loses touch with his family who thinks that he is intolerable. Similarly, the treatment that Ivan receives from his doctor and his colleagues signifies a symbolized death. The society has therefore lost interest in him and is waiting for his physical death that does not ev entually take them by surprise. Ivan’s isolation from the society can however partly be explained by his poor relationship with people (Tolstoy, p. 22- 27). Chapter 5 Ivan’s condition worsens and brings his attention to the fact that he is facing death. He realizes that

A Deeper Perspective on Executive Power Essay Example for Free

A Deeper Perspective on Executive Power Essay Executive Power is often and briefly defined as the power to enforce and administer the laws. It is usually bestowed upon the President or Head of a country. In the exercise of this power, the person who has such power assumes a plenitude of authority and the corresponding big and deep responsibility, thus making him the most influential person in the land he governs.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The exercise of an Executive Power through the President’s own will is sometimes referred as the discretionary power which is undoubtedly constitutional. But the exercise of such will but no power is considered unconstitutional. Will but no power pertains to actions or instances that the executive department may exercise on their discretion but is in violation of a certain provision in the constitution. See more: The stages of consumer buying decision process essay   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the case of Clinton v City of New York, the acts of Clinton canceling  §4722(c) of the Balanced Budget Act and  §968 of the Taxpayer Relief Act by virtue of an Act, was held unconstitutional and in violation of Article I,  §7. Clinton acted beyond his discretionary powers. He acted with his own will in canceling the above-mentioned provisions but he has no power to do such. To wit the court, that the Act that procures the discretionary powers of Clinton to cancel the disputed provisions mentioned, impermissibly disrupts the balance of powers among the three branches of the government which are clearly categorized and distinguished under separation of powers. Moreover, the Act’s procedures are not authorized by the Constitution. If this Act were to be considered as valid, it would authorize the President to create a law whose text was not voted on by either House or presented to the President for signature which would clearly be a violation of the process in passing a new law provided for in the constitution. (Clinton v City of New York, 1998) References Clinton, President of the United States,, et al. v City of New York et al. June 25, 1998. Supreme Court Collection. Cornell University LawSchool. Retrieved from supct.law.cornell.edu.

Economic Consequences of Software Crime Essay -- Economics Piracy Econ

Economic Consequences of Software Crime In 1996 worldwide illegal copying of domestic and international software cost $15.2 billion to the software industry, with a loss of $5.1 billion in the North America alone. Some sources put the total up-to-date losses, due to software crime, as high as $4.7 trillion. On the next page is a regional breakdown of software piracy losses for 1994. Estimates show that over 40 percent of North American software company revenues are generated overseas, yet nearly 85 percent of the software industry's piracy losses occurred outside of North America. The Software Publishers Association (SPA) indicated that approximately 35 percent of the business software in the North America was obtained illegally. In fact, 30 percent of the piracy occurs in corporate settings. In a corporate setting or business, every computer must have its own set of original software and the appropriate number of manuals. It is illegal for a corporation or business to purchase a single set of original software and then lo ad that software onto more than one computer, or lend, copy or distribute software for any reason without the prior written consent of the software manufacturer. Many software managers are concerned with the legal compliance, along with asset management and costs to their organizations. Many firms involve their legal departments and human resources in regards to software distribution and licensing. Information can qualify to be property in two ways; patent law and copyright laws which are creations of federal statutes, which are subject to Constitutional authority. In order for the government to prosecute the unauthorized copying of computerized information as theft, it must first rely on other theories of information-as-property. Trade secret laws are created by provincial law, and most jurisdictions have laws that criminalize the violations of a trade-secret holder’s rights. The definition of a trade secret varies somewhat from province to province, but commonly have the same elements. For example, the information must be secret, not of public knowledge or of general knowledge in the trade or business. A court will allow a trade secret to be used by someone who discovered or developed the trade secret independently if the holder takes adequate precautions to protect the secret. In 1964, the National Copyright Office began... ...hared by anybody that is involved with any aspect of the software industry. As the future of approaches, more and more people are gaining experience with technology. That experience doesn’t come without a price. That price is the power to manipulate technology for personal gain which usually results in a detriment –typically financial–to others. Bibliography: Brandel, William, "Licensing stymies users," URL:"http://www.viman.com/license/license.html#policy", Viman Software, Inc., 1994. Business Software Alliance, "Software Piracy and the Law," URL:"http://www.bsa.org/bsa/docs/soft_pl.html", Business Software Alliance, 1995. Software Publishers Association, "SPA Anti-Piracy Backgrounder," URL:"http://www.spa.org/piracy/pi_back.htm", Software Publishers Association, 1995. Business Software Alliance, "Did You Know?," URL:"http://www.bsa.org/cgi-bin-bsa.org/seconds.cgi?", Business Software Alliance, 1997. The Economist, "Slipping A Disk, " URL: "http://www.economist.com/issue/27-07-96/wbsfl.gif", The Economist, 1994. Business Software Alliance, "Software Piracy," URL: "http://www.bsa.org/privacy/privacy.html", Business Software Alliance, 1997.

Partial Interview with Biff Loman Essay

Interviewer:Were you surprised to hear about your father’s suicide attempts? Biff:Yes, of course! I had no idea. But I guess it’s like what Mom had said; I never asked about him, I didn’t write that often. But I really had no clue that he was that bad-off. Interviewer:What did you mean when you were telling Happy that you never felt like you were getting anywhere with your life when you were working on a farm? Biff:My father’s standard made me like I was wasting my life. I was only making 28 dollars an hour, that’d be nothing to him. He had always wanted me to be in business like him, so I felt like I was failing him. Plus, he had always looked down at manual laborers. Interviewer:What did you think of your father after you discovered he was having an affair? Biff:I thought he was a huge fake. At first I couldn’t believe it. I had always looked up to him, like any son to his father, but finding that out made me realize he was a fake. Interviewer:You had specifically mentioned how Willy had given the women in Boston your mother’s stockings, what was that about? Biff:It made me think of his as a phony and a liar. He was saying how that woman didn’t really mean anything to him, but that made me think otherwise. Interviewer:You were very worked up over accidentally taking Bill Oliver’s pen. What was that about? Biff:It made me realize that I wouldn’t be able to do what I was trying to do. There was no way this was going to work out. And once again, I wouldn’t live up to Pop’s dream of me. Interviewer:Did you really think that Bill Oliver would remember you and give you the money that you needed? Biff:Yes, but only because of my dad’s influencing. He really made me think that I was into business like he was. Interviewer:Do you blame your father for your shortcomings the jobs you held? Biff:Well, it wasn’t him who stole me out of every job I had since high school, it was me. But it was him who blew me so full of hot air I couldn’t stand taking orders from anybody for very long. Interviewer:How did you finally convince your father that you were never going to live up to the standard he had for you? Biff:I finally stood up to him and told him that I wasn’t going to be bringing any prizes home, so he should stop waiting for me to bring them. Interviewer:What did you mean by â€Å"I know who I am† when you were talked to Happy after your father’s funeral? Biff:I meant what I said. I was done chasing Dad’s dream and even though I was still unsure what I was going to do with the rest of my life, I knew for sure I’d be doing something that I would want to do. Interviewer:Your body language suggested you didn’t agree with what Happy was saying after your father’s funeral. What was that about? Biff: Oh yeah†¦ he was saying that the only dream you can have is to come out as the number-one man. It’s like he’s stuck now trying to be what I couldn’t be. And that’s a successful in business, be what Dad wanted me to be. It reminded me of Happy talking about his life the first night we were back in our room at our parent’s house. He said he had it all but he was still lonely. It reminded me that Dad had also said he was lonely after I discovered his affair. Interviewer:What did you mean by, â€Å"there’s more of him in that front stoop than in all the sales he ever made†? Biff:He had always really liked working with his hands. I think he only thought that being a salesman was what he was meant to do. He always put so much pride into his handiwork. He loved the idea of having a garden†¦

Structural Functional Approach

Retrieved from: http://www. cifas. us/smith/chapters. html Title: â€Å"A structural approach to comparative politics. † Author(s): M. G. Smith Source: In Varieties of Political Theory. David Easton, ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. p. 113-128. Reprinted in Corporations and Society. p. 91-105. FIVE M. G. SMITH University of California, Los Angeles A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics Comparative politics seeks to discover regularities and variations of political organization by comparative analysis of historical and contemporary systems.Having isolated these regularities and variations, it seeks to determine the factors which underlie them, in order to discover the properties and conditions of polities of varying types. It then seeks to reduce these observations to a series of interconnected propositions applicable to all these systems in both static and changing conditions. Hopefully, one can then enquire how these governmental processes relate to the wider m ilieux of which they are part. It would seem that this comparative enquiry may be pursued i~. various ways that all share the same basic strategy, but differ in emphases arid sta~ ­ ing points.Their common strategy is to abstract one aspect of political reality and develop it as a frame of reference. With this variable held constant, enquiries can seek to determine the limits within which other dimensions vary; as the value of the primary variable is changed, the forms and values of the others, separately or together, can also be investigated. Ideally, we should seek to deduce relevant hypotheses from a general body of theory, and then to check and refine them by inductive analyses of historical and ethnographic data. ActuaJ procedures vary. 113 114 /A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS Initially, we might expect anyone of four approaches to be useful in the comparative study of political systems. These four approaches use respectively the dimensions of process, content, function, and form as the bases for their conceptual frameworks. In fact, cOlIlparative studies based on process and content face insuperable obstacles due to the enormous variability of political systems. In centralized polities, the institutional processes of government are elaborately differentiated, discrete, and easy to identify.They are often the subject, as well as the source, of a more or less complex and precise body of rules which may require specialists to interpret them. In simpler societies, the corresponding processes are rarely differentiated and discrete. They normally occur within the context of institutional activities with multiple functions, and are often difficult to abstract and segregate for analysis as self-contained processual systems. Before this is possible, we need independent criteria to distinguish the governmental and nongovernmental dimensions of these institutional forms.The substantive approach rests on the category of content. By the con.. tent of a governmental system, I mean its specific substantive concerns and resources, whether material, human, or symbolic. As a rule, the more differentiated and complex the governmental processes are, the greater the range and complexity of content. This follows because the content and processes of government vary together. Since both these frameworks are interdependent and derivative, both presuppose independent criteria for identifying government. The functional approach avoids these limitations.It defines government functionally as all those activities which influence â€Å"the way in which authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society. â€Å"l From this starting point, various refined conceptual schemes can be developed. As requisites or implications of these decisional processes, David Easton identifies five modes of action as necessary elements of all political systems: legislation, administration, adjudication, the development of demands, and the development of support and solidarity. They may be grouped as input and output requisites of governmental systems.According to Almond, the universally necessary inputs are political socialization and recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication. As outputs, he states that rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication are all universa1. 2 Neither of these categorical schemes specifies foreign relations and defense, which are two very general governmental concerns; nor is it easy to see how these schemes could accommodate political processes in non-societal units. Such deductive models suffer from certain inexplicit assumptions with1David Easton, â€Å"An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems,† World Politics, IX, No. 3 (1957), 384. 2 Gabriel Almond, â€Å"Introduction† to Almond and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITIC S / 115 out which the initial exclusive stress on political functions might be im- . possible. But despite their universal claims, it remains to be shown that Bushmen, Pygmies, or Eskimos have governments which are functionally homologous with those of the United States and the Soviet Union.Legislation, rule adjudication, and interest articulation are categories appropriate to the discussion of complex, modern polities rather than simple, primitive ones. But the problem which faces the student of comparative politics is to develop a conceptual framework useful and applicable to all. To impute the features and conditions of modern polities to the less differentiated primitive systems is virtually to abandon the central problem of comparative politics. The functional approach, as usually presented, suffers from a further defect: It assumes a rather special ensemble of structural conditions.When â€Å"authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society,† this unit must be territorially delimited and politically centralized. The mode of centralization should also endow government with â€Å"more-or-Iess legitimate physical compulsion. â€Å"3 In short, the reality to which the model refers is the modern nation-state. By such criteria, ethnography shows that the boundaries of many societies are fluctuating and obscure, and that the authoritative status of decisions made in and for them are even more so.Clearly bounded societies with centralized authority systems are perhaps a small minority of the polities with which we have to deal. A structural approach free of these functional presumptions may thus be useful, but only if it can accommodate the full range of political systems and elucidate the principles which underlie their variety. In this paper, I shall only indicate the broad outlines of this approach. I hope to present it more fully in the future. Government is the regulation of public affairs.This regulation is a set of processes whic h defines government functionally, and which also identifies its content as the affairs which are regulated, and the resources used to regulate them. It does not seem useful or necessary to begin a comparative study of governmental systems by deductive theories which predicate their minimum universal content, requisites, or features. The critical element in government is its public character. Without a public, there can be neither public affairs nor processes to regulate them.Moreover, while all governments presuppose publics, all publics have governments for the management of their affairs. The nature of these publics is therefore the first object of study. Publics vary in scale, composition, and character, and it is reasonable to suppose that their common affairs and regulatory arrangements will vary correspondingly. The first task of a structural approach to comparative politics is thus to identify the properties of a public and to indicate the principal varieties and bases of pu blics. 3 Almond, â€Å"Introduction,† p. . 116 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS As I use the term, public does not include mobs, crowds, casual assemblies, or mass-communication audiences. It does not refer to such categories as resident aliens, the ill, aged, or unwed, or to those social segments which lack common affairs and organized procedures to regulate them-for example, slaves, some clans, and unenfranchised strata such as the medieval serfs or the harijans of India. Such categories are part of one or more publics; they are not separate publics of their own.For example, in an Indian village, a medieval manor, or a slave plantation, members of the disprivileged categories constitute a public only if they form an enduring group having certain common affairs and the organization and autonomy necessary to regulate them; but the existence of such local publics is not in itself sufficient for the strata from which their memberships are drawn to have the status of publics. For this to be the case, these local publics must be organized into a single group co-extensive with the stratum. With such organization, we shall expect to find a set of common affairs and procedures to regulate them.The organization is itself an important common affair and a system of institutional procedures. By a public, then, I mean an enduring, presumably perpetual group with determinate boundaries and membership, having an internal organization and a unitary set of external relations, an exclusive body of common affairs, and autonomy and procedures adequate to regulate them. It will be evident that a public can neither come into being nor maintain its existence without some set of procedures by which it regulates its internal and external affairs. These procedures together form the governmental process of the public.Mobs, crowds, and audiences are not publics, because they lack presumptive continuity, internal organization, common affairs, procedures, and autonom y. For this reason, they also lack the determinate boundaries and membership which are essential for a durable group. While the categories mentioned above are fixed and durable, they also lack the internal organization and procedures which constitute a group. When groups are constituted so that their continuity, identity, autonomy, organization, and exclusive affairs are not disturbed by the entrance or exit of their individual members, they have the character of a public.The city of Santa Monica shares these properties with the United States, the Roman Catholic Church, Bushman bands, the dominant caste of an Indian village, the Mende Pora, an African lineage, a Nahuatl or Slavonic village community, Galla and Kikuyu age-sets, societies among the Crow and Hidatsa Indians, universities, medieval guilds, chartered companies, regiments, and such â€Å"voluntary† associations as the Yoruba Ogboni, the Yako lkpungkara, and the American Medical Association. The units just listed ar e all publics and all are corporate groups; the governmental process inherent in publics is a feature of all corporate groups.Corporate groups-Maine's â€Å"corporations aggregate†-are one species of â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporation, the other being the â€Å"corporation A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 117 sole† exemplified by such offices as the American Presidency, the British Crown, the Papacy, governorships, chieftaincies, and university chancellorships. Corporations sole and corporate groups share the following characteristics, all of which are necessary for â€Å"perfect† or full corporate status: identity, presumed perpetuity, closure and membership, autonomy within a given sphere, exclusive common affairs, set procedures, and organization.The first four of these qualities are formal and primarily external in their reference; they define the unit in relation to its context. The last four conditions are processual and func tional, and primarily internal in their reference. The main differences between corporations sole and corporate groups are structural, though developmental differences are also important. Corporate groups are pluralities to which an unchanging unity is ascribed; viewed externally, each forms â€Å"one person,† as Fortes characterized the Ashanti matrilineages. This external indivisibility of the corporate group is not merely a jural postulate. It inevitably presumes and involves governmental processes within the group. In contrast with a corporate group, an office is a unique status having only one incumbent at any given time. Nonetheless, successive holders of a common office are often conceived of and addressed as a group. The present incumbent is merely one link in a chain of indefinite extent, the temporary custodian of all the properties, powers, and privileges which constitute the office.As such, incumbents may legitimately seek to aggrandize their offices at the expens e of similar units or of the publics to which these offices relate; but they are not personally authorized to alienate or reduce the rights and powers of the status temporarily entrusted to them. The distinction between the capital of an enterprise and the personalty of its owners is similar to the distinction between the office and its incumbent. It is this distinction that enables us to distinguish ffices from other personal statuses most easily. It is very possible that in social evolution the corporate group preceded the corporation sole. However, once authority is adequately centralized, offices tend to become dominant; and then we often find that offices are instituted in advance of the publics they will regulate or represent, as, for example, when autocrats order the establishment of new towns, settlements, or colonies under officials designated to set up and administer them.There are many instances in which corporate groups and offices emerge and develop in harmony and congr uence, and both may often lapse at once as, for example, when a given public is conquered and assimilated. These developmental relations are merely one aspect of the very variable but fundamental relation between offices and corporate groups. Despite Weber, there are a wide range of corporate groups which lack stable leaders, 4 Meyer Fortes, â€Å"Kinship and Marriage among the Ashanti,† in African Sys- tems of Kinship and Marriage, eds. A. R.Radcliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), pp. 254-61. 118 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS much less official heads. Others may have senior members whose authority is at best advisory and representative; yet others have a definite council or an official head, or both. In many cases, we have to deal with a public constituted by a number of coordinate corporate groups of similar type. The senior members of these groups may form a collegial body to administer the common affairs of the public, w ith variable powers.Ibo and Indian village communities illustrate this well. In such contexts, where superordinate offices emerge, they often have a primarily sacred symbolic quality, as do the divine kingships of the Ngonde and Shilluk, but lack effective secular control. Between this extreme and an absolute despotism, there are a number of differing arrangements which only a comparative structural analysis may reduce to a single general order. Different writers stress different features of corporate organization, and sometimes employ these to â€Å"explain† these social forms.Weber, who recognizes the central role of corporate groups in political systems, fails to distinguish them adequately from offices (or â€Å"administrative organs,† as he calls them). 5 For Weber, corporate groups are defined by coordinated action under leaders who exercise de facto powers of command over them. The inadequacy of this view is patent when Barth employs it as the basis for denying to lineages and certain other units the corporate status they normally have, while reserving the term corporate for factions of a heterogeneous and contingent character. Maine, on the other hand, stresses the perpetuity of the corporation and its inalienable bundle of rights and obligations, the estate with which it is indentified. 7 For Gierke,s Durkheim,9 and Davis,10 corporate groups are identified by their common will, collective conscienc~, and group personality. For Goody, only named groups holding material property in common are corporate. 1! These definitions all suffer from overemphasis on some elements, and corresponding inattention to others. The common action characteristic of corporate groups rarely embraces the application of violence which both Weber and Barth seem to stress.Mass violence often proceeds independ5 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A. R. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (London: Wm. Hodge & Co. , 1947), pp. 133-37, 302-5. 6 Fredrik Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. Monographs in Social Anthropology, London School of Economics, No. 19 (London: University of London Press, 1959). 7 H. S. Maine, Ancient Law (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1904), p. 155. S Otto Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800, trans. Ernest Barker (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957). Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society, trans. George E. Simpson (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc. , 1933). 10 John P. Davis, Corporations (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961), p. 34. 11 Jack Goody, â€Å"The Classification of Double Descent Systems,† Current Anthropology; II, No. 1 (1961), 5, 22-3. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 119 ently of corporate groups. Corporate action is typically action to regulate corporate affairs-that is, to exercise and protect corporate rights, to enforce corporate obligations, and to allocate corporate responsibilities and privileges.When a group hol ds a common estate, this tenure and its exercise inevitably involve corporate action, as does any ritual in which the members or representatives of the group engage as a unit. Even the maintenance of the group's identity and closure entails modes of corporate action, the complexity and implications of which vary with the situation. It is thus quite fallacious to identify corporate action solely with coordinated physical movements. A chorus is not a corporate group.The presumed perpetuity, boundedness, determinate membership, and identity of a corporation, all more or less clearly entail one another, as do its requisite features of autonomy, organization, procedure, and common affairs. It is largely because of this interdependence and circularity among their elements that corporations die so hard; but by the same token, none of these elements alone can constitute or maintain a corporation. An office persists as a unit even if it is not occupied, providing that the corpus of rights, r esponsibilities, and powers which constitute it still persists.To modify or eliminate the office, it is necessary to modify. or eliminate its content. Among ! Kung bushmen, bands persist as corporate groups even when they have no members or heads12 ; these bands are units holding an inalienable estate of water holes, veldkos areas, etc. , and constitute the fixed points of ! Kung geography and society. The Bushman's world being constituted by corporate bands, the reconstitution of these bands is unavoidable, whenever their dissolution makes this necessary.As units which are each defined by an exclusive universitas juris, corporations provide the frameworks of law and authoritative regulation for the societies that they constitute. The corporate estate includes rights in the persons of its members as well as in material or incorporeal goods. In simpler societies, the bulk of substantive law consists in these systems of corporate right and obligation, and includes the conditions and c orrelates of membership in corporate groups of differing type. In such societies, adjectival law consists in the usual modes of corporate procedure. To a much greater extent than is commonly ealized, this is also the case with modern societies. The persistence, internal autonomy, and structural uniformity of the corporations which constitute the society ensure corresponding uniformity in its jural rules and their regular application over space and time. As modal units of social process and structure, corporations provide the framework in which the jural aspects of social relations are defined and enforced. Tribunals are merely functionally specific corporations charged with handling issues of certain kinds. Neither tribunals nor â€Å"the systematic ap12 Lorna Marshall, â€Å"! Kung Bushmen Bands,† A/rica, XXX (1960), 325- 5). 120 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS plication of the force of politically organized society†13 are necessary or sufficient for t he establishment of law. The law of a primitive society consists in its traditional procedures and modes of corporate action, and is implicit in the traditional rights, obligations, and conditions of corporate membership. In such societies, units which hold the same type of corporate estate are structurally homologous, and are generally articulated in such a way that each depends on the tacit recognition or active support of its fellows to maintain and enjoy its estate.Thus, in these simpler systems, social order consists in the regulation of relations between the constitutive corporations as well as within them. In societies which lack central political organs, societal boundaries coincide with the maximum range of an identical corporate constitution, on the articulation of which the social order depends. Though the component corporations are all discrete, they are also interdependent. But they may be linked together in a number of different ways, with consequent differences in the ir social systems.In some cases, functionally distinct corporations may be classified together in purely formal categories, such as moieties, clans, or castes. The Kagoro of northern Nigeria illustrate this. 14 In other cases, corporations which are formally and functionally distinct may form a wider public having certain common interests and affairs. The LoDagaba of northern Ghana and Upper Volta are an example. 15 In still other cases, corporations are linked individually to one another in a complex series of alliances and associations, with overlapping margins in such a way that they all are related, directly or indirectly, in the same network.Fortes has given us a very detailed analysis of such a system among the Tallensi. 16 However they are articulated in societies which lack central institutions, it is the extensive replication of these corporate forms which defines the unit as a separate system. Institutional uniformities, which include similarities of organization, ideology , and procedure, are quite sufficient to give these acephalous societies systemic unity, even where, as among the Kachins of Burma, competing institutional forms divide the allegiance of their members. 7 To say that corporations provide the frameworks of primitive law, and that the tribunals of modem societies are also corporate forms, is simply to say that corporations are the central agencies for the regulation of public affairs, being themselves each a separate public or organ, administering certain affairs, and together constituting wider publics or associations of publics 13 Roscoe Pound, Readings on the History and System 0/ the Common Law, 2nd ed. (Boston: Dunster House Bookshop, 1913), p. 4. 14 M. G.Smith, â€Å"Kagoro Political Development,† Human Organization, XIX, No. 3 (1960), 37-49. 15 Jack Goody, â€Å"Fields of Social Control among the LoDagaba,† Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LXXXVII, Part I (1957),75-104. 16 Meyer Fortes, The Dynamics 0/ Clanship among the Tallensi (London: Oxford University Press, 1945). 17 E. R. Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma (London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. , 1954). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 121 for others. By the same token, they are the sources or frameworks of disorder.In some acephalous societies, disorder seems more or less perennial, and consists mainly in strife within and between corporations. Centralization, despite its merits, does not really exclude disorder. In concentrating authority, it simultaneously concentrates the vulnerability of the system. Accordingly, in centralized societies, serious conflicts revolve around the central regulative structures, as, for instance, in secessionist or revolutionary struggles, dynastic or religious wars, and â€Å"rituals of rebellion. â€Å"18 Such conflicts with or for central power normally affect the entire social body.In acephalous societies, on the other hand, conflicts over the regime may proceed in one r egion without implicating the others. 19 In both the centralized and decentralized systems, the sources and objects of conflict are generally corporate. Careful study of Barth's account of the Swat Pathans shows that this is true for them also, although the aggregates directly contraposed are factions and blocs. 20 Societal differences in the scale, type, and degree of order and coordination, or in the frequency, occasions, and forms of social conflict are important data and problems for political science.To analyze them adequately, one must use a comparative structural approach. Briefly, recent work suggests that the quality and modes of order in any social system reflect its corporate constitution-that is, the variety of corporate types which constitute it, their distinctive bases and properties, and the way in which they are related to one another. The variability of political systems which derives from this condition is far more complex and interesting than the traditional dicho tomy of centralized and noncentralized systems would suggest.I have already indicated some important typological differences within the category of acephalous societies; equally significant differences within the centralized category are familiar to all. This traditional dichotomy assumes that centralization has a relatively clear meaning, from which a single, inclusive scale may be directly derived. This assumption subsumes a range of problems which require careful study; but in any event, centralization is merely one aspect of political organization, and not necessarily the most revealing.Given variability in the relations between corporations sole and corporate groups, and in their bases and forms, it seems more useful to distinguish systems according to their structural simplicity or complexity, by reference to · the variety of corporate units of differing forms, bases, and functions which they contain, and the principles which serve to articulate them. Patently, such differen ces in composition imply differences in the relational networks in which these corporations articulate. Such ifferences in structural composition simultaneously describe the variety of political forms 18 Max Gluckman, Rituals of Rebellion in South East Africa (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954); â€Å"Introduction† to Gluckman, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (London: Cohen & West, 1963). 19 Leach, Political Systems 0/ Highland Burma. 20 Barth, Political Leadership among Swat Pathans. 122 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS and processes, and explain differences in the scale, order, and coordination of polities.This is so because corporate organization provides the framework, content, and procedures for the regulation of public affairs. For this reason, the analysis of corporate structure should be the first task in the case study of a political system and in comparative work. For many political scientists, the concept of sovereignty is essential as the foundation of governmental order and autonomy. In my view, this notion is best dispensed with. It is a hindrance rather than a help to analysis, an unhappy solution of a very real problem which has been poorly formulated. In a system of sovereign states, no state is sovereign.As etymology shows, the idea of sovereignty derives from the historically antecedent condition of personal dominion such as kingship, and simply generalizes the essential features of this form as an ideology appropriate to legitimate and guide other forms of centralization. The real problem with which the notion of sovereignty deals is the relation between autonomy and coordination. As the fundamental myth of the modern nation-state, the concept is undoubtedly important in the study of these states; its historical or analytical usefulness is otherwise very doubtful.It seems best to formulate the problems of simultaneous coordination and autonomy in neutral terms. As units administering exclusive common a ffairs, corporations presuppose well-defined spheres and levels of autonomy, which are generally no more nor less than the affairs of these units require for their adequate regulation. Where a corporation fully subsumes all the juridical rights of its members so that their corporate identification is exclusive and lifelong, the tendencies toward autarchy are generally greatest, the stress on internal autonomy most pronounced, and relations between corporations most brittle.This seems to be the case with certain types of segmentary lineage systems, such as the Tallensi. Yet even in these conditions, and perhaps to cope with them, we usually find institutional bonds of various types such as ritual cooperation, local community, intermarriage, clanship, and kinship which serve to bind the autarchic individual units into a series of wider publics, or a set of dyadic or triadic associations, the members of which belong to several such publics simultaneously.Weber's classification of corpo rate groups as heteronomous or autonomous, heterocephalous or autocephalous, touches only those aspects of this problem in which he was directly interested. 21 We need also to analyze and compare differing levels, types, and degrees of autonomy and dependence in differing social spheres and situations. From comparative studies of these problems, we may hope to derive precise hypotheses about the conditions and limits of corporate autonomy and articulation in systems of differing composition and span. These hypotheses should also illuminate the conditions and limits of social disorder.Besides the â€Å"perfect† or fully-fledged corporations, offices and corpo21 Weber, Theory 0/ Social and Economic Organization, pp. 135-36. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 123 rate groups, there are â€Å"imperfect† quasicorporations with must also be studied explicitly. The two main forms here are the corporate category and the commission. A corporate category is a clearl y bounded, identifiable, and permanent aggregate which differs from the corporate group in lacking exclusive common affairs, autonomy, procedures adequate for their regulation, and the internal organization which constitutes the group.Viewed externally, acephalous societies may be regarded as corporate categories in their geographical contexts, since each lacks a single inclusive frame of organization. But they are categories of a rather special type, since, as we have seen, their institutional uniformity provides an effective basis for functional unity. In medieval Europe, serfs formed a corporate category even though on particular manors they may have formed corporate groups.Among the Turkana22 and Karimojong23 of East Africa, age-sets are corporate categories since they lack internal organization, exclusive affairs, distinctive procedures, and autonomy. Among the nearby Kipsigi24 and Nandi25 clans are categorical units. These clans have names and identifying symbols, a determinat e membership recruited by agnatic descent, certain ritual and social prohibitions of which exogamy is most important, and continuity over time; but they lack internal organization, common affairs, procedures and autonomy to regulate them.Though they provide a set of categories into which all members of these societies are distributed, they never function as social groups. Not far to the south, in Ruanda, the subject Hutu caste formed a corporate category not so long ago. 26 This â€Å"caste† had a fixed membership, closure, easy identification, and formed a permanent structural unit in the Tutsi state. Rutu were excluded from the political process, as a category and almost to a man. They lacked any inclusive internal organization, exclusive affairs, autonomy, or procedures to regulate them.Under their Tutsi masters, they held the status of serfs; but when universal suffrage was recently introduced, Rutu enrolled in political parties such as the Parmehutu Aprosoma which succee ded in throwing off the Tutsi yoke and expelling the monarchy. 27 In order to become corporate groups, corporate categories need to develop an effective representative organization, such for instance as may now be emerging among American Negroes. In the American case, this corporate category is seeking to organize itself in order to remove the disprivileges which define it as a category.Some corporate 22 Philip Gulliver, â€Å"The Turkana Age Organization,† American Anthropologist, LX (1958), 900-922. 23 Neville Dyson-Hudson, to author, 1963. 24 J. G. Peristiany, The Social Institutions of the Kipsigis (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1939). 25 G. W. B. Huntingford, The Nandi of Kenya (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. , 1953). 26 J. J. Maquet, The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda (London: Oxford University Press, 1960). 27 Marcel d'Hertefelt, â€Å"Les Elections Communales et Ie Consensus Politique au Rwanda,† Zaire, XIV, Nos. -6 (1960), 403-38. 124 / A STRUC TURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS categories are thus merely formal units lacking common functions; others are defined by common disabilities and burdens, though lacking common affairs. Under Islam, the dhimmi formed such a category; in India, so do the individual castes. The disabilities and prohibitions which define categories are not always directly political; they include exogamy and ritual taboos. Commissions differ from offices along lines which recall the differences between corporate categories and corporate groups.Like categories, commissions fall into two main classes: one class includes ad hoc and normally discontinuous capacities of a vaguely defined character, having diffuse or specific objects. The other class includes continuing series of indefinite number, the units of which are all defined in such general terms as to appear structurally and functionally equivalent and interchangeable. Familiar examples of the latter class are military commissions, magistracies, professorships, and priesthoods; but the sheiks and sa'ids of Islam belong here also.Examples of the first class, in which the powers exercised are unique but discontinuous and ill-defined, include parliamentary commissions of enquiry or other ad hoc commissions, and plenipotentiaries commissioned to negotiate special arrangements. In some societies, such as the Eskimo, Bushman, and Nuer, individuals having certain gifts may exercise informal commissions which derive support and authority from public opinion. The Nuer â€Å"bull,† prophet, and leopard-skin priests are examples. 28 Among the Eskimos, the shaman and the fearless hunter-warrior have similar positions. 9 The persistence of these commissions, despite turnover of personnel and their discontinuous action, is perhaps the best evidence of their importance in these social systems. For their immediate publics, such commissions personalize social values of high relevance and provide agencies for ad hoc regulation and gu idance of action. In these humble forms, we may perceive the seeds of modern bureaucracy. Commissions are especially important as regulatory agencies in social movements under charismatic leaders, and during periods of popular unrest.The charismatic leadership is itself merely the supreme directing commission. As occasion requires, the charismatic leader creates new commissions by delegating authority and power to chosen individuals for special tasks. The careers of Gandhi, Mohammed, Hitler, and Shehu Usumanu dan Fodio in Hausaland illustrate this pattern well. So does the organization and development of the various Melanesian â€Å"cargo cults. â€Å"30 But if the commission is to be institutionalized as a unit of permanent administration, its arbitrary 28 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer (London: Oxford University Press, 940). 29 Kaj Birket-Smith, The Eskimo (London: Meuthuen & Co. , Ltd. , 1960); V. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo (New York: The Crowell-Collier Publishing Co . , 1962). 80 Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound (London: McGibbon & Kee, 1957). A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVB POLma / 125 character must be replaced by set rules, procedures, and spheres of action; this institutionalization converts the commission into an office in the same way that its organization converts the corporate category into a corporate group.Moreover, in the processes by which corporate categories organize themselves as groups, charismatic leadership and its attached commissions are the critical agencies. The current movement for civil rights among American Negroes illustrates this neatly. Any given public may include offices, commissions, corporate categories, and corporate groups of differing bases and type. In studying governmental systems, we must therefore begin by identifying publics and analyzing their internal constitution as well as their external relationships in these terms.It is entirely a matter of convenience whether we choose to begin with the smallest units and work outwards to the limits of their relational systems, or to proceed in the opposite direction. Given equal thoroughness, the results should be the same in both cases. Any governmental unit is corporate, and any public may include, wholly or in part, a number of such corporations. These units and their interrelations together define the internal order and constitution of the public and its network of external relations.Both in the analysis of particular systems and in comparative work, we should therefore begin by determining the corporate composition of the public under study, by distinguishing its corporate groups, offices, commissions, and categories, and by defining their several properties and features. As already mentioned, we may find, in some acephalous societies, a series of linked publics with intercalary corporations and overlapping margins. We may also find that a single corporate form, such as the Mende Para or the Roman Catholic Church, cuts across a number of quite distinct and mutually independent publics.An alternative mode of integration depends on the simultaneous membership of individuals in several distinct corporations of differing constitution, interest and kind. Thus, an adult Yako81 simultaneously belongs to a patrilineage, a matrilineage, an age-set in his ward, the ward (which is a distinct corporate group), one or more functionally specific corporate associations at the ward or village level, and the village, which is the widest public. Such patterns of overlapping and dispersed membership may characterize both individuals and corporations equally.The corporations will then participate in several discrete publics, each with its exclusive affairs, autonomy, membership, and procedures, just as the individual participates in several corporations. It is this dispersed, multiple membership which is basic to societal unity, whether or not government is centralized. Even though the inclusive public with a centralized a uthority system is a corporate group, and a culturally distinct population 81Daryll Forde, Yako Studies (London: Oxford University Press, 1964); Kenneth Little, The -Mende of Sierra Leone (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd. 1951). 126 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS without this remains a corporate category, functionally both aggregates derive their underlying unities from the same mechanism of crosscutting memberships, loyalties, and cleavages. In the structural study of a given political system, we must therefore define its corporate constitution, determine the principles on which these corporate forms are based, and see how they articulate with one another.In comparative study, we seek to determine what differences or uniformities of political process, content, and function correspond with observable differences or uniformities of corporate composition and articulation. For this purpose, we must isolate the structural principles on which the various types of cor porations are based in order to determine their requisites and implications, and to assess their congruence or discongruence. To indicate my meaning, it is sufficient to list the various principles on which corporate groups and categories may be based.These include sex, age, locality, ethnicity, descent, common property interests, ritual and belief, occupation, and â€Å"voluntary† association for diffuse or specific pursuits. Ethnographic data show that we shall rarely find corporate groups which are based exclusively on one of these principles. As a rule, their foundations combine two, three, or more principles, with corresponding complexity and stability in their organization. Thus, lineages are recruited and defined by descent, common property interests, and generally co-residence.Besides equivalence in age, age-sets presume sameness of sex and, for effective incorporation, local co-residence. Guilds typically stressed occupation and locality; but they were also united by property interests in common market facilities. In India, caste is incorporated on the principles of descent, ritual, and occupation. Clearly, differing combinations of these basic structural principles will give rise to corporations of differing type, complexity, and capacity; and these differences will also affect the content, functions, forms, and contextual relations of the units which incorporate them.It follows that differing combinations of these differing corporate forms underlie the observable differences of order and process in political organization. This is the broad hypothesis to which the comparative- structural study of political systems leads. It is eminently suited to verification or disproof. By the same token, uniformities in corporate composition and organization between, as well as within, societies should entail virtual identities of political process, content, and form.When, to the various possible forms of corporate group differentiated by the combination of structural principles on which they are based and by the relations to their corporate contexts which these entail, we add the other alternatives of office, commission, and category, themselves variable with respect to the principles which constitute them, we simultaneously itemize the principal elements which give rise to the variety of political forms, and the principles and methods by which we can reasonably hopeA STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS / 127 to reduce them to a single general order. Since corporations are essential regulatory units of variable character, their different combinations encompass the entire range of variability of political systems on the functional, processual, and substantive, as well as on the structural levels. Within this structural framework, we may also examine the nature of the regulatory process, its constituents, modes, and objectives.The basic elements of regulation are authority and power. Though always interdependent and often combi ned, they should not be confused. As a regulatory capacity, authority is legitimated and identified by the rules, traditions, and precedents which embody it and which govern its exercise and objects. Power is also regulatory, but is neither fully prescribed nor governed by norms and rules. Whereas authority presumes and expresses normative consensus, power is most evident in conflict and contraposition where dissensus obtains.In systems of public regulation, these conditions of consent and dissent inevitably concur, although they vary in their forms, objects, and proportions. Such systems accordingly depend on the simultaneous exercise and interrelation of the power and authority with which they are identified. Structural analysis enables us to identify the various contexts in which these values and capacities appear, the forms they may take, the objectives they may pursue, and their typical relations with one another within as well as between corporate units.In a structurally homog eneous system based on replication of a single corporate form, the mode of corporate organization will canalize the authority structure and the issues of conflict. It will simultaneously determine the forms of congruence or incongruence between the separate corporate groups. In a structurally heterogeneous system having a variety of corporate forms, we shall also have to look for congruence or incongruence among corporations of differing types, and for interdependence or competition at the various structural levels.Any corporate group embodies a set of structures and procedures which enjoy authority. By definition, all corporations sole are such units. Within, around, and between corporations we shall expect to find recurrent disagreements over alternative courses of action, the interpretation and application of relevant rules, the allocation of positions, privileges and obligations, etc. These issues recurrently develop within the framework of corporate interests, and are settled b y direct or indirect exercise of authority and power.Few serious students now attempt to reduce political systems to the modality of power alone; but many, under Weber's influence, seek to analyze governments solely in terms of authority. Both alternatives are misleading. Our analysis simultaneously stresses the difference and the interdependence of authority and power. The greater the structural simplicity of a given system, that is, its dependence on replication of a single corporate form, such as the Bushman band or Tallensi lineage, the greater its decen- 28 / A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS tralization and the narrower the range in which authority and power may apply. The greater the heterogeneity of corporate types in a given system, the greater the number of levels on which authority and power are simultaneously requisite and manifest, and the more critical their congruence for the integration of the system as a whole.

College Summit The Joys of Surprise and Making a Difference (and Even the Travails of a Norovirus)

College Summit The Joys of Surprise and Making a Difference (and Even the Travails of a Norovirus) I recently heard Anthony Robbins say that as long as you have your attention on other people, and as long as you are making a difference for others, there is no way you can possibly be depressed. He is so right. This past week, despite contracting a norovirus that gave me serious gastrointestinal distress as well as flu-like symptoms, I was in as good a mood as I’ve been in in a long time. Why? I was making a difference for a group of low-income high school students at College Summit, a national program that supports young leaders to create a culture where kids go to college. I’m like a proud mother when it comes to the small group of four â€Å"peer leaders† I worked with in Berkeley. Every one of them surprised me in their own way. Let me kvell just a little (names are changed for confidentiality)! Keylon Keylon wrote his first two â€Å"free writing† exercises about topics like his relationships with girls and how he was going to find one that would make him be the man he wants to be. I feared he was bland and would not identify a relevant topic for his college admissions essay. On a break, however, he shared his real story- a story about abuse and how he turned to destructive behaviors and friends to compensate for his pain. It was also the story of how he changed direction, in part through a music program that saved his life. Keylon’s story surprised me when it came forth, and so did how industrious and focused a student he was. When I gave him questions to answer in writing, he sat down and didn’t stop until he was done. And when it came time to edit his essay, he was able to devise seamless transitions where they had been missing, and to cut out excess words without my even pointing out the spots where he could do so. Keylon says he wants to be a singer, and perhaps he will succeed. But I wouldn’t be surprised if he finds his stride as an editor! Keylon was also a great sport when we got realistic with him about his college choices. His top choices were out of his reach, and he needed to consider community college options. He adjusted course without protest or external upset. We could all learn a thing or two from this young man about acceptance and adaptation. Jaquon Jaquon had a sweetness to him and a clear, passionate life purpose under his non-plussed attitude. On the first day, he slumped down in his chair, hood over head, clearly not 100% enthusiastic about being asked to write †¦ anything. His first free write was not about much, and I had to remind him multiple times over the 10-minute time period to keep writing. Initially he would not volunteer to answer a question and would only participate if I called on him directly (though he always had something great to say when I did). Jacquon’s second free write was the big surprise. A saxophone player, he hit on the theme of music, and I’m telling you, it was pure poetry. He called music a â€Å"20-20 all access path†¦Ã¢â‚¬  and spoke about his purpose in life being to connect with people off all cultures through his gift. This goal was not just a pipe dream; Jacquon has already performed both in concert halls and on the street in the U.S. and abroad. Jacquon mentioned in his essay that he gets nervous when playing only because he is afraid people won’t connect with his music. When I asked him what it would be like for him if they didn’t connect with his music, his answer popped out: â€Å"It would be like I don’t exist.† An excerpt: â€Å"[I] put my all into every breath, note and melodic phrase so that whoever hears that will feel my passion, my struggle, my story, and my dreams.† That’s a man with a life purpose. A purpose, when not fulfilled, that makes him feel like he doesn’t exist. If only every one of us had one so clear. Rodrigo Rodrigo was my volleyball captain. He was a meticulous, methodical worker who edited himself as he wrote. The core story that emerged from Rodrigo’s free writes was about his father, who recently started working as a janitor in Rodrigo’s school. Although Rodrigo had weathered various insults as a volleyball captain for being short and young, he had a thick skin- until the insults started being aimed toward his father. Rodrigo wrote about how his father had taught him to stay positive and not judge others, and how ultimately he used what his father had taught him to rise above his anger toward his insulting classmates. Another thing that came out of Rodrigo’s writing was that he liked to make up words and had a penchant for metaphor. In one of his last drafts, his creativity emerged in a surprise conclusion: â€Å"I’m like a volleyball. You may kick me, push me around, hit me, or abandon me, but in the end I’m still persevering and surviving the ugliest actions against me.† Talisha Eager to participate and answer questions, Talisha was fast out of the gate but as the writing process went on, she somehow found a way to look like she was working when she really was spinning her wheels. I gave her what I thought were clear questions and instructions and she would nod and put her pen to paper, but 10 minutes later she would not have made progress. In my mind, we finally reached a growth point when Talisha realized that growing up as the middle of two sisters and taking care of both of them gave her management skills that have helped her in her production design projects at school. I’m not sure I’ll ever see the essay she writes on this topic though, since she only saw this connection for herself literally at the last hour. Really the biggest surprise from Talisha was what she told me at the end of the program: that I helped her learn things about herself that she might never have known- not just on the last day, but from the time we started doing free writing exercises. And all that time I thought she was refusing to let me make a difference for her. Brenda As I mentioned, there was a norovirus that went around and knocked out almost every one of the writing coaches in the program for some period of time. I barely made it through my part of the Saturday night banquet presentations- but it was worth it to hear Rodrigo say in front of the entire program, â€Å"Your joyous, encouraging, and gentle nature brought us to fully understand how and what to write †¦ [and] created a bond within our group that will never be forgotten. I will definitely not forget the experience I had with these motivated leaders from the East Bay. And I will be back next year.

Free Essays on Does Living In The Urban Environment Causes Mental Illness

Does the urban environment itself cause mental illness? Mental illness has been present in the world as far back as biblical times, and stigma against the mentally ill has had a long and inglorious history in western civilization. For centuries, the mentally ill have had to suffer an unremitting cycle of exile, extermination, and inhumane confinement. They have had few advocates. Ignorance about brain illness has fueled the theory that mentally ill persons are demon-possessed. To our disgrace, even today there are those who still hold that belief and act on it. In the Middle Ages, a few enlightened centers of care, such as the community at Gheel in Belgium where a group of compassionate monks reached out, have provided support and caring to people suffering from mental disorders. The center at Gheel continues to offer foster care and asylum in 1993. But it is a notable exception. More prevalent practices have been to exile the mentally ill, burn them as witches, or set them adrift on overcrowded ships to wander between European ports. Pop e Innocent VII authorized the extermination of witches in 1484, and a Dominican publication, the Malleus Maleficarum, detailed the recognizable behaviors of "witches." These behaviors would be clearly recognizable to any modern psychiatrist as the same symptoms of schizophrenia, manic-depression, and severe depression that are detailed in the present Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (Minkoff 32-36). Within last years, more and more mental illnesses appear in the society, especially in the urban environment. Usually excessively stressful conditions of the urban life cause mental disorders. Why does that happen? Different theories explaining human emotion, thought, and behavior abound. Societies and mental health professionals continued to be puzzled about what constituted an appropriate approach to severely ill people whose behaviors and expressions frightened their neighbors. In eighteenth-century En... Free Essays on Does Living In The Urban Environment Causes Mental Illness Free Essays on Does Living In The Urban Environment Causes Mental Illness Does the urban environment itself cause mental illness? Mental illness has been present in the world as far back as biblical times, and stigma against the mentally ill has had a long and inglorious history in western civilization. For centuries, the mentally ill have had to suffer an unremitting cycle of exile, extermination, and inhumane confinement. They have had few advocates. Ignorance about brain illness has fueled the theory that mentally ill persons are demon-possessed. To our disgrace, even today there are those who still hold that belief and act on it. In the Middle Ages, a few enlightened centers of care, such as the community at Gheel in Belgium where a group of compassionate monks reached out, have provided support and caring to people suffering from mental disorders. The center at Gheel continues to offer foster care and asylum in 1993. But it is a notable exception. More prevalent practices have been to exile the mentally ill, burn them as witches, or set them adrift on overcrowded ships to wander between European ports. Pop e Innocent VII authorized the extermination of witches in 1484, and a Dominican publication, the Malleus Maleficarum, detailed the recognizable behaviors of "witches." These behaviors would be clearly recognizable to any modern psychiatrist as the same symptoms of schizophrenia, manic-depression, and severe depression that are detailed in the present Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (Minkoff 32-36). Within last years, more and more mental illnesses appear in the society, especially in the urban environment. Usually excessively stressful conditions of the urban life cause mental disorders. Why does that happen? Different theories explaining human emotion, thought, and behavior abound. Societies and mental health professionals continued to be puzzled about what constituted an appropriate approach to severely ill people whose behaviors and expressions frightened their neighbors. In eighteenth-century En...

Feudalism - Worldwide Political and Social System

Feudalism - Worldwide Political and Social System Feudalism is defined by different scholars in different ways, but in general, the term refers to a sharply hierarchical relationship between different levels of landowning classes. Key Takeaways: Feudalism Feudalism is a form of political organization with three distinct social classes: king, nobles, and peasants.In a feudal society, status is based on land ownership.In Europe, the practice of feudalism ended after the Black Plague decimated the population. A feudal society has three distinct social classes: a king, a noble class (which could include nobles, priests, and princes) and a peasant class. Historically, the king owned all the available land, and he portioned out that land to his nobles for their use. The nobles, in turn, rented out their land to peasants. The peasants paid the nobles in produce and military service; the nobles, in turn, paid the king. Everyone was, at least nominally, in thrall to the king, and the peasants labor paid for everything. A Worldwide Phenomenon The social and legal system called feudalism arose in Europe during the Middle Ages, but it has been identified in many other societies and times including the imperial governments of Rome and Japan. American founding father Thomas Jefferson was convinced that the new United States was practicing a form of feudalism in the 18th century. He argued that indentured servants and slavery were both forms of yeoman farming, in that access to land was provided by the aristocracy and paid for by the tenant in a variety of ways. Throughout history and today, feudalism arises in places where there is an absence of organized government and the presence of violence. Under those circumstances, a contractual relationship is formed between ruler and ruled: the ruler provides access to the required land, and the rest of the people provide support to the ruler. The entire system allows the creation of a military force that protects everyone from violence within and without. In England, feudalism was formalized into a legal system, written into the laws of the country, and codifying a tripartite relationship between political allegiance, military service, and property ownership. Roots English feudalism is thought to have arisen in the 11th century CE under William the Conquerer, when he had the common law altered after the Norman Conquest in 1066. William took possession of all of England and then parcelled it out among his leading supporters as tenancies (fiefs) to be held in return for services to the king. Those supporters granted access to their land to their own tenants who paid for that access by a percentage of the crops they produced and by their own military service. The king and nobles provided aid, relief, wardship and marriage and inheritance rights for the peasant classes. That situation could arise because Normanized common law had already established a secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy, an aristocracy that relied heavily on the royal prerogative to function. A Harsh Reality The upshot of the takeover of the land by the Norman aristocracy was that peasant families who had for generations owned small farmsteads became renters, indentured servants who owed the landlords their allegiance, their military service and part of their crops. Arguably, the balance of power did allow for long-term technological progress in agricultural development  and kept some order in an otherwise chaotic period. Just before the rise of the black plague in the 14th century, feudalism was firmly established and working across Europe. This was a near-universality of family-farm tenure by conditionally hereditary leases under noble, ecclesiastical or princely lordships who collected cash and in-kind payments from their subject villages. The king essentially delegated the collection of his needs- military, political and economic- to the nobles. By that time, the kings justice- or rather, his ability to administer that justice- was largely theoretical. The lords dispensed the law with little or no kingly oversight, and as a class supported each others hegemony. Peasants lived and died under the control of the noble classes. The Deadly End Plague Victims Blessed by a Priest (14th Century Illuminated Manuscript). http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/medieval_globe/1/. Quibik An ideal-typical medieval village was comprised of farms of about 25–50 acres (10–20 hectares) of arable land managed as open-field mixed farming and pasturage. But, in reality, the European landscape was a patchwork of small, medium, and large peasant holdings, which changed hands with the fortunes of the families. That situation became untenable with the arrival of the Black Death. The late-medieval plague created catastrophic population collapse among rulers and ruled alike. An estimated number of between 30–50 percent of all Europeans died between 1347 and 1351. Eventually, the surviving peasants in most of Europe achieved new access to larger land parcels  and gained enough power to shed the legal shackles of medieval servility. Sources Clinkman, Daniel E. The Jeffersonian Moment: Feudalism and Reform in Virginia, 1754–1786. University of Edinburg, 2013. Print.Hagen, William W. European Yeomanries: A Non-Immiseration Model of Agrarian Social History, 1350–1800. Agricultural History Review 59.2 (2011): 259–65. Print.Hicks, Michael A. Bastard Feudalism. Taylor and Francis, 1995. Print.Pagnotti, John, and William B. Russell. Exploring Medieval European Society with Chess: An Engaging Activity for the World History Classroom. The History Teacher 46.1 (2012): 29–43. Print.Preston, Cheryl B., and Eli McCann. Llewellyn Slept Here: A Short History of Sticky Contracts and Feudalism. Oregon Law Review 91 (2013): 129–75. Print.Salmenkari, Taru. Using Feudalism for Political Studia Orientalia 112 (2012): 127–46. Print.Criticsm and for Promoting Systemic Change in China.

Global Challenges for Business, Management & Leadership Essay

Global Challenges for Business, Management & Leadership - Essay Example ................................................................ 7 2.3 Kraft Foods - Porter’s Five Forces ........................................................... 8 2.4 PESTEL Analyses .................................................................................... 9 2.5 Global Management Strategy .................................................................. 10 3.0 The Challenge - CSR ..................................................................................... 10 3.1 Impact of this Challenge on Kraft Foods ............................................... 11 4.0 Recommendation ........................................................................................... 11 5.0 Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 11 Works Cited ........................................................................................................ 12 1.0 Introduction Within a realistic context, it is no t easy to define the term management. In the academic circles there exist as many definitions of management as there are the books on the subject. It goes without saying that there are many genuine reasons behind this dilemma. The first and foremost, management pertains to a very vast and expansive subject. It is indeed very extensive. It is, therefore, not possible to outline all the essential features of management in a single formula. Besides, management is a subject that has primarily to do with human beings, which in a behavioural context tend to be highly unpredictable. Moreover, management is a discipline that is still in the nascent stages of its development and, hence, the concepts associated with it are continuously changing. Yet, there is no denying the fact that the most of the definitions of management tend to emphasise one common idea that the discipline of management is concerned with the accomplishment of objectives through the efforts of people performing certain fu nctions. The primary function of the managers is to create conditions and environment that enable the organizations to survive, thrive and grow. In that context it will be really interesting to attempt a viable definition of management by taking into consideration varied theories of management. Boddy defines management as â€Å"Management is the activity of getting things done with the aid of people and other resources† (Boddy 695). The one attribute of management that pops up from Boddy’s definition of management is that management seeks to achieve certain goals. These goals may be economic or non-economic. For instance in a business organization the primary goal is to produce and distribute goods with the aim and objective of earning profits. On the contrary, in a service organization like hospitals, educational institutions, etc, the goal might be to extend customer service. Another salient feature of management embodied in Boddy’s definition is that manageme nt also happens to be a social process because it deals with people. To make the best use of human efforts, managers are required to give way to close cooperation and coordination amongst the employees in an organization. Managers are required to look after the interests of employees, shareholders, investors and the community at large. Also management happens to be a group activity. Management is concerned with getting things done through people. People join in groups in order to achieve results collectively. Management helps people in realising individual as

Effect of Mad Cow Disease Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Effect of Mad Cow Disease - Research Paper Example The key events that formed the world meat market in the last decade include the change in trade policy regimes ushered in by the 1995 Uruguay Round Agreement in Agriculture, the macroeconomic crises in Asia and the Former Soviet Union in 1998 and the series of animal disease outbreaks in major livestock producing regions in Asia and the European Union. However, these challenges have aided in stringent policies and regulations in this industry.  Mad Cow Disease is the common name for Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) that was first recognized in the United Kingdom in the year 1986. In simple terms it the name "mad cow disease" came because it affects a cattle's nervous system. It is a chronic, degenerative disorder affecting the central nervous system of cattle. The main culprit of the cause of this disease is the rogue proteins, known as prions that reproduce inside the brain of the infected cow. Once the disease progresses, the brain attains a sponge nature and hence it is al so termed as "spongiform". In fact, BSE is categorized to a group of progressive, degenerative neurological diseases known as Transmissible Spongiform Encephalopathies or TSEs. The other disease in this group includes scrapie, which affects sheep and goats and has symptoms similar to BSE. As of now, there is no cure for BSE (Department of Primary Industries and Water, 2008).  If we look at how BSE can have an impact on human. In humans, this disease is known as variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob Disease or in short vCJD. The scientific community has still not found a cure for this disease and is fatal in nature (Department of Primary Industries and Water, 2008). In the food industry, this disease has posed a significant threat and could seriously affect both export and domestic markets for cattle and cattle products. Additionally, it is also possible that it can have a serious impact on jobs and businesses in the meat industry and its various support industries. It could also have a consid erable effect on the tourism and hospitality industries. Since there is no cure for this disease, the only options are slaughtering the affected animal. Since its initial outbreak, the food industry has formulated various policies (Department of Primary Industries and Water, 2008). One of the major problems with this disease is the identification of the affected animals. Contrasting the Foot and Mouth Disease that spreads rapidly if not controlled, BSE spreads comparatively slowly. Besides it is found that both BSE and its human counterpart, vCJD, have an unusually long incubation period. In other words, if a human is diagnosed with vCJD, it might be the result of eating infected animal probably up to twenty years earlier. This makes tracking the disease source much more difficult (Department of Primary Industries and Water, 2008). Mad Cow Disease is possibly one of the most significant food-safety-related issues to have troubled the hospitality industry in recent years. In the Unit ed Kingdom, where the disease was first identified and had extensive effects, the consequence for this industry has been characterized as catastrophic-yet little experiential facts support this.

Supply chain management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

Supply chain management - Essay Example Big companies, for instance multinationals, normally have corporate purchasing departments and also local purchasing departments (Maskell 2003, p. 67). This implies that, at the HQs, they have a purchasing department, which directs the entire regulation to the local departments. Normally, the purchasing functions are just duplicated at every department meaning that there is a waste of resources. Some vendors, at times, even send incorrect information mistakenly because of the long flow of information from the headquarter to them. This incorrect information can also negatively affect the HQ as that make decisions based on incorrect information as it gets to them (Schonberger 2010, p. 51). What an organisation can do about this is reduce the number of levels that information takes to reach the local departments that deal one on one with the client. Like the way multinational organisations such as McDonalds have done (Schonberger 2010, p. 55). This can be done through incorporating tech nology which top decision makers can use to communicate with the locals instead of having other departments in the middle. These new technology can assist the organisation in its procurement process, for instance, technology that allows internet based buying will allow the top managers to deal straight with the client. Lean management gained recognition in the manufacturing field because this is where vital enhancement can easily be achieved. The processes of manufacturing can be enhanced to significantly decrease waste and resources whereas supporting operational performance (MacInnes 2002, p. 25). Quality is a vital element of lean manufacturing. Having absolutely zero defects in the manufacturing process decreases waste and increases efficiency in the firm all together (MacInnes 2002, p. 25). With many clients not complaining about the goods, this will be a way of building

Crtical apprisal 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Crtical apprisal 2 - Essay Example LTRA is the main subject of this paper by Currie, et al. This study is focused because it clearly states its target population of concern which is patients with persistent asthma. Secondly it addresses the issue of what physicians turn to when asthma is persistent. Specifically, these are LTRA and LABA. These two play a very important role as they are legally administered and known second line therapy. In the UK, their guidelines state that in the first instance, LABA should be administered as a therapeutic trial. If this is unsuccessful, then this is the time to administer LTRA. Third, outcomes are clearly defined. Physicians give inhaled corticosteroids when a patient is diagnosed with asthma. For persistent symptoms, they choose to introduce LABA. This is known to be more effective than an increase in dosage of the inhaled corticosteroids. Additional therapy with LTRA is presented to be more effective than LABA in its overall efficacy. Only appropriate, related and relevant papers and journals were included in this review article. In fact, in the material and methods section of this paper, the researchers pointed out that they searched for suitable trials with its relevance evident in the title and abstract. This therefore implies that no literature included used LTRA or LABA as a secondary topic. Researchers focusing on these were included and not those that just merely mentioned the two. The data base used MEDLINE Clinical Evidence, Cochrane Library and EMBASE database, are supported by reputable organizations. The research for significant literature also had key guidelines limiting searches to about 11 words. This definitely narrowed down the search and only produced crucial and relevant journals that are directly related to the research topic. A statistical analysis was not used. Certain data from the studies were taken and reviewed. This included the study design,

IBP Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

IBP - Research Paper Example Under the contract, an employer, in this case IBP, was responsible for the  safety  and safety violations of another employer’s employees, DCS in this case, and had the  mandate  to prevent and  abate  such violations.  IBP had supervisory authority and control over the worksite regardless of whether DCS created the hazards or was in a position to reduce them.  In addition, IBP owned the equipment and  therefore  required to  exercise  all  control  as a contracting party and  plant  owner and ensure that no employee was at risk.   The nature of the contract between IBP and DCS required there be a daily recurring  task  that IBP employees had  previously  been doing.  The contract was on-going and the relationship between the two was a close one.  IBP constant contact with DCS also included  frequent  discussions about LOTO standards and the fragrant violations of these standards by DCS employees. While the contract held DCS responsible for LOTO standards compliance, IBP had the  mandate  to ensure DCS complied even if it meant suspending or terminating the contract. IBP could have imposed penalties on DCS and its employees at any time to  ensure  LOTO compliance. As the worksite-controlling employee, it could also have suspended and expelled employees who fragrantly violated safety

Nestle Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Nestle - Term Paper Example UAE is one of the most prospective countries for potential investors. The study will also focus on the key investment opportunities in UAE and the significance of the location chosen. The study will also suggest Nestle the appropriate mode of entering a particular country. The study will conclude with an overview of the study. 2.0 Introduction Nestle is one of the world’s leading nutrition, wellness and health company. It is a multinational company which is headquartered in Vevley, Switzerland. The company was formed in the year 1905 by the merger between two companies Anglo Swiss Milk company which was founded by Charles and George Page and Farine Lactee Henri Nestle which was founded by Henri Nestle in the year 1866 (Nestle, 2013b). Nestle has a strong presence in 83 countries (Nestle, 2013d) and has a brand portfolio that covers almost all food and beverage categories; baby food, bottled water, cereal, chocolate and confectionery, coffee, dairy, drinks, health care nutritio n, ice cream, pet care and weight management. The company is a market leader in various categories like coffee, baby food cereal etc. (Nestle, 2013c). The company founder Henri Nestle was the first individual to manufacture the milk food products for the newly born babies and till now the company is the market leader in baby milk cereal. The corporate goal of the company is based on the innovation and knowledge management which involves collection, utilizing the collected information, innovation and knowledge resources for attaining the corporate goals and objectives of the company. Nestle aims at enhancing the lives of the consumers by providing good quality food and beverages that are tasty and also nutritious. Nestle Nutrition is a global organization developed by Nestle to strengthen their core nutrition business. This organization was developed by Nestle to deliver superior performance by offering nutritious products and services based on scientific research and development (Sn ipppapers, 2009). Nestle had also created the Corporate Wellness unit to integrate nutritional value added in their food and beverage category (Snipppapers, 2009). Nestle is one of the fewest companies to offer a digitalized virtual tour in their shopping centers in United Kingdom and USA (Nestle, 2013a). The shopping center was established to demonstrate how consumers behave while shopping their products. 2.1 International Expansion Globalization has become an integral and prominent part of the economic life and provides companies with huge opportunities and challenges. International expansion has become a strategic response to the global economic dynamics for a large number of companies. International expansion will provide opportunities to the companies to expand on a global scale and exploit the benefits of internalization like scope, learning, economies of scale etc. Nestle offers a varied range of edible products and targets consumers of all ages. The company has gradually est ablished its presence worldwide and has successfully acquired various other companies in different countries to develop a strong footing in those countries. In the year 2003 Nestle acquired Dreyers a leading USA ice cream manufacturing company and Movenpick a leading German ice cream manufac

IBP Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

IBP - Research Paper Example Under the contract, an employer, in this case IBP, was responsible for the  safety  and safety violations of another employer’s employees, DCS in this case, and had the  mandate  to prevent and  abate  such violations.  IBP had supervisory authority and control over the worksite regardless of whether DCS created the hazards or was in a position to reduce them.  In addition, IBP owned the equipment and  therefore  required to  exercise  all  control  as a contracting party and  plant  owner and ensure that no employee was at risk.   The nature of the contract between IBP and DCS required there be a daily recurring  task  that IBP employees had  previously  been doing.  The contract was on-going and the relationship between the two was a close one.  IBP constant contact with DCS also included  frequent  discussions about LOTO standards and the fragrant violations of these standards by DCS employees. While the contract held DCS responsible for LOTO standards compliance, IBP had the  mandate  to ensure DCS complied even if it meant suspending or terminating the contract. IBP could have imposed penalties on DCS and its employees at any time to  ensure  LOTO compliance. As the worksite-controlling employee, it could also have suspended and expelled employees who fragrantly violated safety

Starving For The Gold-Coursework Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Starving For The Gold- - Coursework Example to educate people to the problems women athletes face in hopes that with more people being more knowledgeable on the topic, hopefully changes can be made. The basic cause of the problem, as Robinson states it, is that the coaches of female athletes pressure them to be as thin as possible. For instance, Robinson mentions how one female athlete she talked to said that her coach â€Å"held contests to see who could leave the most food uneaten on her plate at training camp† (yr). This obviously is going to have a negative effect on female athletes, especially when considering that females are pressured into being as thin as possible in society as it is. Another practice mentioned is that female athletes will have their body fat calculated and then compared with the other athletes; the idea is to encourage all of the female athletes to be as skinny as possible. Another female athlete, speaking from her experience with athletic amenorrhea, which is the cessation of the menstrual cycle due to extremely low body-fat composition, stated that â€Å"Pressure was always felt to be lean, and considerable emphasis was placed on being beneat h 12 percent body fat composition. It seemed that the primary goal was to maintain a low-body fat composition† (yr). Overall, as opposed to training female athletes to be fit, they are being trained to be as skinny as possible. This encouraging to be overly thin is giving these athletes eating disorders, but this is not the main motivation behind these practices as Robinson states. The main reason that these sort of practices can be gotten away with is because there is a perceived male-domination in sports. When one views the kind of changes that the coaches are encouraging their female athletes to make, Robinson states that it is not difficult to see that they are trying to make their female athletes resemble their male athletes. This practice Robinson traces back to the 70’s, and in particular the athlete Olga Korbet, as the

Personal Responsibility Essay Example for Free

Personal Responsibility Essay Define what personal responsibility means to you. Explain the relationship between personal responsibility and college success. Include a preliminary plan to practice personal responsibility in your education. This week, using the Center for Writing Excellence resources, provide the thesis statement and informal outline for your Personal Responsibility Essay assignment, due in Week Five. Thesis Statement: Personal Responsibility means taking accountability for my own actions, accepting whatever consequences come from my actions, and then understanding how to improve or make necessary changes. By staying organized, setting personal goals, keeping my stress level to a minimum, and staying focused, I can achieve college success. Informal Outline: I. Intro II. What personal responsibility means a. Accountability for my own actions b. Being organized c. Setting goals; both personal and academic III. Tools for personal responsibility d. Having time management skills e. Setting personal goals f. Keeping my stress level to a minimum g. Staying focused IV. What I will hold myself academically accountable for h. Attending all classes i. Reading all materials j. Doing all assignments and turning them in on time k. Studying for all exams V. Conclusion: In conclusion, although it is easier to blame others for my failures and my mistakes, it is because of my personal responsibility that I will be able to have college success. I will have a clear understanding of what I expect from my education as well as what I expect for my future. I will strive to accomplish every goal that I will set for myself in my personal life as well as the goal I will set for myself as a student. Personal responsibility determines how I choose to live my life and the things I choose to do and not to do. In turn, my college success is up to me.

Comparing Charlotte Perkins Gilmans The Yellow Wallpaper; and Kate Cho

Comparing Charlotte Perkins Gilman's 'The Yellow Wallpaper' and Kate Chopin's 'The Story of an Hour' 'The Yellow Wallpaper';, by Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and 'The Story of an Hour';, by Kate Chopin, are alike in that both of the women in the stories were controlled by their husbands which caused them to feel an intense desire for freedom. Both stories were also written from a feminist point of view. However, the women in the stories had different life changes and different responses to their own freedom as a result of that change. In both stories the women's husbands had direct control over their lives. In 'The Yellow Wallpaper'; the narrator's husband controlled her both mentally and physically. He does not allow her to have any sort of mental or physical stimulation. She is virtually imprisoned in her bedroom, supposedly to allow her to rest and recover her health. She is forbidden to work and not even supposed to write. She does not even have a say in the location or dà ©cor of the room she is forced to spend almost even moment in. Furthermore, visitors are absolutely not allowed. She says, 'It is so discouraging not to have any advice and companionship about my work-but he says he would as soon put fireworks in my pillow-case as to let me have those stimulating people about now';(Gilman 635). Mrs. Mallard in 'The Story of an Hour'; had to deal with the same sort of affliction. Her husband had control over her 'body and soul';. She felt that he lived her life for her and did 'not believe that anyone had th e right to impose a private will on a fellow creature'; (Chopin 13). This control caused both women to long for freedom from their husbands' oppressive behavior. In 'The Yellow Wallpaper'; it seems that the narrator wishes to drive her husband away. She explains, 'John is away all day, and even some nights when his cases are serious. I am glad my case is not serious'; (Gilman 634)! This quote shows that she is glad to see her husband away so that she may be left alone to do as she pleases without interference from her husband. She is frequently rebelling against her husband's orders. She writes in her journal and tries to move her bed when there is no one around to see her. However, she always keeps an eye out for someone coming. The intense desire for freedom is even more obvious in 'The Story of an Hour.'; Mrs. Mallard's craving for freed... ...her husband's death, 'she wept at once, with sudden, wild abandonment'; (Chopin 12). But, her grief was short lived. She soon was overcome with the joy that her husband would no longer control her. 'Her fancy was running riot along those days ahead of her. Spring days, and summer days, and all sorts of day that would be her own'; (Chopin 13). However, when she realized that her husband was not really dead, she was overcome by grief again. The resulting grief because her husband was not dead was so intense that it killed her. 'The Yellow Wallpaper'; and 'The Story of an Hour'; have many similarities between the two. Both stories had controlling husbands that directly led to the their wives yearning for freedom. The stories were also both written from a feminist point of view. But, the women had different types of life changes and different responses to the change in their life. Works Cited: Choplin, Kate. 'The Story of an Hour.'; Literature for Composition. Ed. Sylvan Barnet et al. 5th ed. New York: Longman, 2000, 12-13. Gilman, Charlotte Perkins. 'The Yellow Wallpaper.'; Literature for Composition. Ed. Sylvan Barnet et al. 5th ed. New York: Longman, 2000, 12-13.